12-27-2006, 12:58 PM
Heres a little poem by one of those early muslims......Reply
THE RIDDLE OF LIFE
by Abdullah Quilliam
Birth, life and death, three potent words,
What is it that they spell?
Our entrance in, our life upon,
Our exit and our knell.
Is that, then, all that is compris'd
Within those words so said?
And doth the span of passing scene
Cry "Finish'd" when we're dead?
If such be all, alas for us!
Poor creatures of an hour,
That bloom unseen, that die forgot,
Like passing of a shower.
Our days but few, our cares so great,
And pass'd in toil and strife;
Our life a span, under a ban -
No blessing, then, is life.
But if the moment of our birth -
As we believe it be -
Is not just entrance upon earth,
Then toil and care and meagre fare,
While on the earth we stand,
Is but precursor, but the path
That leads to other land.
Then sound of knell doth only tell
Of life begun for aye-
That perfect life, sans care and strife,
In the eternal day.
(October 16, 1904)
12-28-2006, 12:00 AM
Hope you read and liked the poem. Heres another installment from one of the early muslims of britain. Its a lecture delivered by Muhammad Marmaduke Pickthall.Reply
A Sermon delivered by Muhammad Marmaduke Pickthall in the year 1919
‘O people, listen to my words, and understand the same. Know that all Muslims are brothers one to another. You are one fraternity. Nothing which belongs to one of you is lawful to his brother unless given out of free goodwill. Guard yourselves from committing injustice.’
Those words are from the solemn admonition which our lord Muhammad (God bless him!) addressed to the whole Muslim community from Mount ‘Arafat on the occasion of his last pilgrimage to Mecca – The Pilgrimage of Farewell, as it is called. And no one can say that the injunction has been fruitless. For where in the world to-day can we find a real fraternity of rich and poor, of black and white and brown and yellow people, except in El Islam?
‘Liberty, equality, fraternity!’ has been, and is the cry or revolutionaries here in Europe. Well, liberty is a fine thing, but in a civilized community it must be always relative, for ever bounded by the liberties of others. Equality of opportunity is an ideal to be aimed at, rather than a law which can be practised rigidly. Still every one will admit that it is desirable. Equality of persons and of personalities is contrary to natural law, and so impossible. These two ideals are abstract and entirely relative. Fraternity, upon the other hand, is positive, and can be practised wherever men of like opinions and goodwill consort together. In the political body of Islam, which was at first a model to free peoples, there has of late years been too little liberty. There has been of late years less equality of opportunity than there was formerly, though more than you could find in modern Europe. But fraternity there is, and always has been, in that body.
The prejudices both of race and class which taint the atmosphere of Christendom seem a strange growth of Christianity when we reflect that Jesus of Nazareth was the apostle of meekness and of love, and himself adorned a modest station in society. Many Christians would protest that these developments have nothing to do with Christianity. That they have nothing to do with Christ, we all agree. But what has Christianity to do with Christ? If these prejudices of class and race are not in any sense a growth of Christianity, how comes it that we find them flourishing in Christian lands, and altogether absent from the Muslim brotherhood? Class distinctions are not absent from the Muslim brotherhood, but class prejudices are. There is free speech and free intercourse between all sorts and conditions of men, and between all sorts and conditions of women. Those prejudices mar the outlook of most English people, even of those who rail against them and denounce them – I should say, especially of those who rail against them and denounce them; for where will you find a revolutionary who has a brotherly regard for individual aristocrats? One of the great blessings which Islam brings to an Englishman is deliverance from this insanity. His vision grows serene, enabling him to smile at the pretensions of all parties, to accept men on their merits, with a brotherly regard for men whose conduct pleases him irrespective of class or race or colour. I have just been in the British army in the ranks – pitchforked, so to speak, at forty-three, among all sorts of men – and I have found this Muslim point of view a very godsend, making me content where I should once have been extremely miserable.
The feeling of fraternity inherent in Islam has sometimes struck me as miraculous, such comfort does it bring to one in circumstances which by every standard would be called uncomfortable. Why, I have asked myself occasionally, did I never know such happiness while I was a Christian? Well, it may seem a strange answer to give, it may appear far-fetched to some of you, but I believe the reason is that Christianity – the Christianity that I was taught in childhood – practically does away with the Last Judgment.
You know the words of the Qur-án:
‘Verily those who believe (i.e. the Muslims) and those who obey the Jew’s religious rule, and the Christians and the Sabaeans – whoever believes in God and the Last Day, and does good works, their reward is with their Lord, and there shall no fear come upon them, neither shall they grieve.’
Christians did once believe in the Last Day – that is, the Day of Judgment for all mankind. It was part of the teaching of Christ. But by proclaiming that salvation can be obtained by a belief in such and such dogmas, and the observance of such and such ceremonies, the Church, while still formally maintaining the doctrine of the Last Judgment, has made the judgment a foregone conclusion for its own adherents. Certain people thus appear before their Lord in a privileged position. Where then is fraternity? And how can any Christian man, brought up in that belief, be happy, with the consciousness of all the people in the world who are not Christian in belief, who consequently are condemned to everlasting torment? Another foregone conclusion, you perceive. The judgment of God is reduced to a mere ceremony, a formal confirmation of the Church’s judgment. And if a Christian can be found who does find happiness in thinking that he himself is certain to be saved through certain doctrines and observances, while countless millions of mankind are no less certain to be ****ed; can such a man be suspected of any sense or spirit of fraternity? And yet these people have been taught to say ‘Our Father, which art in heaven.’
God is metaphorically the Father - since He is the primal Author of the being – of all mankind. That was, I think, unquestionably, the meaning of the Prophet Jesus when he gave that prayer to his disciples. But see what they have made of it. An earthly father, the partisan of his own family against all who differ from them. A father to the Christians – it amounts to that – with angry feelings for all other people in the world. The first meaning – that of Christ himself – is in accord with nature, the second, that of Christendom, is against nature, since Allah’s blessings in the world of nature are bestowed on all alike.
Our Prophet saw that error among Christians in his day, and for that reason, to avoid a similar misguidance of his followers, he never used the words Our Father when speaking of Allah. We Muslims shun those words, for the same reason, though there can be not the least objection in the mind of any Muslim to the words of the Lord’s prayer, which is a Muslim prayer, without a trace of all those doctrines which later turned the Christians from Islam. We believe that Jesus was a Muslim Prophet. The religion which he preached, the life he wished that men should lead, is not to be found to-day in Christendom, but in Islam. And Muslims have a better right than Christians to pray ‘Our Father, which art in heaven,’ for they have kept the true ideal of human brotherhood which Christians have discarded; and that brotherhood is based on the idea of Allah’s universal fatherhood. We never use the word, but the idea is with us always. Allah has given certain laws which we know, and strive always to obey. We naturally have a sentiment of brotherhood for all who recognize those laws, and try to conform to them. All who love the Father of us all, the Source of all Existence, and look only for His judgment on their actions, are our brothers. ‘And there shall no fear come upon them, neither shall they grieve.’
I do not know whether you, my audience, prefer an autocratic or a democratic form of government. Where theocracy is acknowledged, it matters little whether earthly sovereignty is held by one man or a crowd of men. For, in the presence of the Mighty Sovereign of the universe, fearing His judgment, the autocrat becomes in fact the brother of his poorest subject. And as for democracy, compare the French Revolution, or that Russian Revolution which took place only the other day, with the greatest revolution which the world has ever known – the advent of Islam in consequence of our Prophet’s preaching. In all three cases you have multitudes of people suddenly released from old restraints and discipline, and confronted with an altogether new idea of life. In all three cases you have the demand for brotherhood. Why were the first two characterized by cruelty, bloodshed, and disorder, and why was the Islamic Revolution free from all these things? The Russian and the French revolutionaries established governments which had to use harsh measures to maintain their sway. The Muslims were without any of the machinery of government, and yet they were perfectly orderly and, what is more, entirely happy. Why? Simply because they had a common ground of brotherhood, a common standard of morality which all accepted. Simply because they had a true fraternity in complete dependence on the will of the Universal Father. Simply because they believed in the Day of Judgment.
Some people seem to think that a belief in a Day of Judgment is an antiquated belief. Some people even seem to think it horrible. Well, I personally do not care a fig for any man or woman who does not, consciously or unconsciously, believe in a Day of Reckoning. Every man or woman who accepts a life of service or of suffering sooner than get success by evil doing; every man or woman who does his or her best without reward rather than gain the applause of the multitude, whatever motive they themselves would give for their behaving in that way, and most of them would find it difficult to give a reason for their behaviour, are looking to a judgment higher and purer than the judgment of men, a judgment quite impersonal, which God alone is capable of giving. I do not care if they are Muslims, or Christians, or agnostics. I say that they all, after a fashion, believe in the Last Day.
And as for the belief in the Last Judgment being in any way horrible or terrifying – why, ladies and gentlemen, it seems to me the most radiantly hopeful of all the doctrines which have ever been accepted among men. If any man were to be the judge, if any being at all resembling man in limitation were to be the judge, then indeed we might be terrified, for we should fear injustice. No man could make all due allowance for inherited tendencies in determining the criminal’s career of crime. No man could know all the extenuating circumstances which in every case appear to the All-knowing God. Has any son of earth to fear injustice before the throne of Him who made the heavens and the earth, who knows all their temptations and their disabilities, who knows His creatures infinitely better than they know themselves? And when we know, as every Muslim knows, that the All-wise is also the All-Merciful! Surely this doctrine, which has been so much maligned, really holds out a hope for all mankind.
I think the horror and dislike which it inspires in some intelligent people comes from misapprehension. They associate the judgment with the threats of dreadful punishment denounced against the wicked in all Scripture, as if those threats were levelled against individuals. They are not; they cannot be, since we are not the judges. They merely mean that if we do certain things against our spiritual and moral welfare, or against the welfare of our neighbour, we have to fear the condemnation of the Lord of heaven and earth, even though the wrongs which we commit according to human laws may be no crime. But we are not the judges. Every one of us has to await the judgment of his Lord, and if we are quite honest in our self-examination, we shall admit that it is only by the grace of God we have escaped great crimes. Are we then any better than the actual criminals? Have we not equal need with them to ask for mercy before a Judge who reads the secrets of men’s hearts?
King and beggar, rich and poor, educated and illiterate, all will appear before their Lord on equal terms. The ruler will have no advantage of his power, the savant no advantage of his education, unless that power, that education has been used for good. That is the true foundation of Islamic brotherhood. We shall be judged not by accidents of class, or race, or wealth, but by that which we have done, whether it be good or whether it be evil. Acknowledging this common destination, this equality, how can we hold aloof from one another, or despise one another?
There is another aspect of Islamic fraternity, of particular importance at the present time. Islam abolished nationality, as we understand it; and patriotism, as we understand it, it denounced as a crime. A Muslim of India is the brother of a Muslim of Egypt or West Africa. If any one of another religion asked him of his nationality, he would not say: ‘I am an Indian,’ but ‘I am a Musulman.’ Only if a fellow Muslim from another country were to ask him the same question, would he answer ‘I am of India,’ since his faith was understood already by the other. I have heard Englishmen exclaim concerning Muslim peoples that ‘they have no patriotism, only religious fanaticism’ By fanaticism such people mean no more than a passionate regard for a religion and obedience to its precepts. Well, which has done most, which is capable of doing most, for the great cause of human progress, human brotherhood: the unbridled nationalism which appears to-day to be the chief political ideal of Christians, a nationalism which makes big states avaricious and little states ridiculously self-assertive, a cause of wars, past, present, or to come; or the religion of Islam, which wipes away all that as worthless, and in its place sets universal brotherhood? The backward state of many Muslim peoples in respect of modern sanitation and mechanical contrivances blinds Europeans to the fact that the Muslim world is thirteen centuries ahead of Europe in political and social science. It also blinds young Muslims, who have been educated here in Europe to admire things European indiscriminately, to this most important fact of Muslim progress. But only for a time, in youth. They shake off the illusion with a little thought. Let them remember that, as Muslims, they are representatives of an ideal more advanced than any that prevails in Europe. If they forsake that high ideal of brotherhood for the lower one of national pride, they (in the words of the Qur’án) ‘barter the higher for the lower,’ as certainly as did the Children of Israel when they turned from worshipping Allah, and bowed themselves before a calf of gold, the work of men’s hands.
A Christian can say: ‘I am an Englishman, or a Frenchman, or a German first, and a Christian afterwards’; for it is the truth. The development of Christianity has produced this nationalism. But that is not the case in El Islam. Whatever nationalism has appeared in Muslim countries has been purely imitative and artificial, the work of foreign influences, foreign money. I speak of nationalism in the European sense. Pan-islamism – which is true Islamic patriotism – has been misnamed ‘nationalism’ in the Press of Europe more than once; and a pan-Islamic movement in some Eastern country has been wrongly represented as a nationalist movement. A pan-Islamic movement would, of course, if left alone, be a peaceful and progressive movement, aiming at the raising of the Muslim brotherhood in every land by education. A nationalist movement, on the other hand, is an aggressive movement, jealous of all other nationalities and heedless of religion. It is therefore foreign to the spirit of Islam.
There is nothing that we Muslims ought to guard more zealously than this brotherhood of all believers. I dare say that some of you English Muslims are occasionally impatient at some of the customs of the Muslim world. Well, if you have in you the true Islamic spirit, you will be careful of those little matters for your brother’s sake, who loves them. They may be little in themselves. A nail or rivet is a little thing. And these small matters hold us all together.
01-02-2007, 06:43 PM
From scholarship, sailors and sects to the mills and the mosques.Reply
Tuesday June 18, 2002
1386 References to Islamic scholars in Canterbury Tales
16th century John Nelson becomes first Englishman to convert to Islam
1630s Oxford and Cambridge universities establish chairs of Arabic. Scholars influenced by Arabic texts on mathematics, astronomy and medicine
1641 Document refers to "a sect of Mahomatens discovered here in London"
1649 First English translation of the Koran, by Alexander Ross
c1700 The first large group of Muslims arrive in Britain from India. Sailors recruited in India by the East India Company form the first Islamic communities in port towns. Others come from Sylhet in Bangladesh
1860 Britain's first mosque recorded in the register of religious sites, at 2 Glyn Rhondda Street, Cardiff
1869 A further wave of Muslim immigration is prompted by the opening of the Suez canal. Increased trade brings Yemeni and Somali labourers to work in the ports of Cardiff, Liverpool, Pollokshields and London. There are now an estimated 70,000 to 80,000 Yemenis in Britain, the longest-established Muslim group
1886 Anjuman-i-Islam, later renamed the Pan-Islamic Society, founded in London
1887 William Henry Quilliam, a Liverpool solicitor, converts to Islam while in Morocco. He goes on to found the Liverpool mosque and the Muslim Institute, and edit the Islamic World and the Crescent, a weekly publication. Also founds Madina House, an orphanage in Liverpool
1889 First purpose-built mosque opens in Woking
1910 Syed Ameer Ali, an Islamic scholar, convenes a public meeting at the Ritz calling for the establishment of "a mosque in London worthy of the tradition of Islam and worthy of the capital of the British empire"
1912 Khwaja Kamaluddin, a Lahore barrister, arrives in London with the sole objective of removing misconceptions about Islam. A year later he begins publishing Islamic Review
1914 English convert Lord Headley (Al-Haj El-Farooq) establishes the British Muslim Society
1928 London Nizamiah Trust is established to consider proposals for a central mosque in London. George VI donates land in return for a site in Cairo for an Anglican cathedral
1937 Proposals for the partition of Palestine stir British Muslims
1940 The government allocates £100,000 to buy a site for a mosque in London
1941 The East London Mosque Trust purchases three buildings in Commercial Road, Stepney, and converts them into London's first mosque
1944 George VI attends the opening of the Islamic Cultural Centre in Regent's Park
1947 Thirteen ambassadors from Muslim nations set up the Central London Mosque Trust
1950-60 Muslim immigrants, mainly men, arrive from India and Pakistan after partition. Migration is encouraged because of labour shortages in Britain, particularly in the steel and textiles industries of Yorkshire and Lancashire. In 1951 the Muslim population is estimated at 23,000
1960-70 The next wave of Muslim immigrants comes from Africa, mainly Kenya and Uganda, where many Asians suffer discrimination
1961 Muslim population at 82,000, boosted by people hurrying to beat the Commonwealth Immigrants Act (1962) which removes the right of automatic entry for Commonwealth citizens
1966 Eighteen mosques in Britain, increasing at a rate of seven a year for the next 10 years. By 1985 there are 338 registered mosques and by 1997 an estimated 1,000
1971 Muslim population estimated at 369,000
1972 Idi Amin expels 60,000 Muslims from from Uganda. Many settle in Britain
1973 Islamic Council of Europe founded with its HQ in London. First dialogue between Christians and Muslims on the theme of "Islam in the parish"
1974 The British Council of Churches appoints an advisory group to study Islam in Britain
1976 Festival of Islam is opened by the Queen. Race Relations Act passed, with the complexity of racial discrimination captured by the phrase "race, colour, nationality (including citizenship), ethnic or national origin". Religious identity not viewed as sufficiently significant. Critics say the act bypasses the Muslim community
1977 London Central Mosque finally opens in Regent's Park. Belfast Islamic Centre established; there are an estimated 3,000 Muslims in Northern Ireland
1984 Young Muslims founded
1985 Islamia primary school in Brent, London, has application for state funding rejected
1989 Islamic party founded
1989 Salman Rushdie's Satanic Verses scandalises Muslim Britain and precipitates the most significant divide in the history of multicultural Britain. Many Muslim community leaders back Ayatollah Khomeini's decree to hunt down and kill the writer. Rushdie is denounced in mosques and his books are burned. He spends nine years in 30 safe houses. The £1.5m bounty is not lifted until 1998
1990 The Islamic Society of Britain founded
1990 Kalim Siddiqui issues the Muslim manifesto, which calls for a parliament run similarly to the Jewish Board of Deputies
1991 Britain's role in the Gulf war draws opposition from Muslims
1992 Muslim parliament is founded
1994 Parents of children at Al Furqan primary, Birmingham, vote to apply for grant-maintained status
1996 Commission on British Muslims and Islamophobia set up by the Runnymede Trust. In 1997 it reports that Muslim communities suffer more racist violence than other minority communities in Britain, and that Britons believe Muslim communities mistreat women while other religious cultures have outgrown patriarchy and sexism
1997 Muslim Council of Britain founded
1997 Mohammed Sarwar becomes first Muslim MP, holding Govan for Labour
1998 Two Muslim schools given grant-maintained status
1998 First general assembly meeting of the Muslim Council of Britain at Brent town hall
1998 First Muslim peers appointed; Lord Nazir of Rotherham and Lady Uddin
2001 Race riots erupt in the "mill and mosque" towns of Oldham, Bradford and Burnley.
Islamists crash aircraft into the World Trade Centre and the Pentagon on September 11. In the wake of the attacks in the US there are more than 300 assaults on Muslims in Britain. Most of the victims are women
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