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Tayyib musawwir
07-06-2005, 02:36 AM
Assalamu Alikum brothers and sisters first of all want to bring up isuse about africa world country's sudan how allways nothen never anything bein put on news our follow muslims murder cause starving to dead woman raped by group of arabs devis we just sitback continue let it hapen should protest mosgues of blacks city after city need have long talk in end it now
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khilji
07-06-2005, 05:01 AM
Originally Posted by Tayyib musawwir
Assalamu Alikum brothers and sisters first of all want to bring up isuse about africa world country's sudan how allways nothen never anything bein put on news our follow muslims murder cause starving to dead woman raped by group of arabs devis we just sitback continue let it hapen should protest mosgues of blacks city after city need have long talk in end it now
Assalamu Alaikum,

Brother Tayyib, are you from Sudan and do you have direct contact with people in the problem region, namely Darfur.

I would appreciate it very much if you can let us know.

We are actively seeking people from the different parts of the Ummah to form a group, please read the thread:

"Representative group from all muslim communities"

Whereever you are from, as long as you are a muslim brother, I would appreciate if you could become a member of our group, and help our modest effort to unite the Ummah. It is only when we are united, we can solve our problems, Insha-Allah.

If the Janjawid are torturing fellow muslims, we need to hear about first hand account of what is going on.

Walaikum Assalam
Reply

Tayyib musawwir
07-06-2005, 02:29 PM
Originally Posted by khilji
Assalamu Alaikum,

Brother Tayyib, are you from Sudan and do you have direct contact with people in the problem region, namely Darfur.

I would appreciate it very much if you can let us know.

We are actively seeking people from the different parts of the Ummah to form a group, please read the thread:

"Representative group from all muslim communities"

Whereever you are from, as long as you are a muslim brother, I would appreciate if you could become a member of our group, and help our modest effort to unite the Ummah. It is only when we are united, we can solve our problems, Insha-Allah.

If the Janjawid are torturing fellow muslims, we need to hear about first hand account of what is going on.

Walaikum Assalam
no i'm african american male21 from detroit michgan do have contact with friend mind sudanese dude chat on yahoo messenger his name saeedbashir 25 years old Janjaweed ones doin all evils stuff two thoso forks what is group calls trying started for help suffing africans khilji you must be african yourself wonder what country from man reason why made thread beacuse to let us muslims we should be doin over were innocent is save our own men woman child
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imaad_udeen
07-07-2005, 01:12 AM
:sl:

That is the longest sentence I have seen in some time.

:w:
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khilji
07-07-2005, 05:46 AM
Originally Posted by Tayyib musawwir
no i'm african american male21 from detroit michgan do have contact with friend mind sudanese dude chat on yahoo messenger his name saeedbashir 25 years old Janjaweed ones doin all evils stuff two thoso forks what is group calls trying started for help suffing africans khilji you must be african yourself wonder what country from man reason why made thread beacuse to let us muslims we should be doin over were innocent is save our own men woman child
Brother Tayyib,

Please see if you can participate in our group and please invite brother saeedbashir to join this forum and our group.

Again, I thank you for speaking out for fellow muslim brothers.

To stop muslim oppression on fellow muslims should be our first order of business. That is why we need people from both sides to hear their story. The more information the better. Once we know enough to come to some conclusion, we can take a stand and all of us in our group or from the entire forum, we can make statements after taking votes and tell the guilty parties to stop their crimes. Although it may not stop anything at the moment, at least we can be informed and inform others. We will appeal to their sense of shame, and they should know that their fellow muslims of the Ummah are aware of their crimes againnst fellow muslims.

When our group grows, Insha-Allah, to some respectable size, we can take more intiatives to affect the real world, through our increasing contacts with OIC and other muslim multilateral organizations.
Reply

kadafi
07-07-2005, 08:21 PM
Originally Posted by Tayyib musawwir
Assalamu Alikum brothers and sisters first of all want to bring up isuse about africa world country's sudan how allways nothen never anything bein put on news our follow muslims murder cause starving to dead woman raped by group of arabs devis we just sitback continue let it hapen should protest mosgues of blacks city after city need have long talk in end it now
:sl:

The situation in Darfur is indeed tragic but it does not amount to genocide as the Bush administration claims.

here is no difference between "Arab" and "African" tribes in Sudan. Those two tribes are physically indistinguishable (intermarriages for centuries). Even the [African] anti-government figure, Dr Eltigani Ateem, said that with reference to "Arabs" and "Africans" -- they all look a-like. And that no one can tell whether one is a Arab or African. The UN media service stated: "In Darfur, where the vast majority of people are Muslim and Arabic-speaking, the distinction between 'Arab' and 'African' is more cultural and racial. This debunkes the allegation that it's an racially motived conflict. Even the likes of the famous anti-government critics such as Alex de Waal or John Ryle noted that there is no difference. They all are black, indegenous, African Muslims - just like Darfur's non-Arabs.

The situation in Darfur is just not black and white, rather it is a complicated situation. The conflict in (south) Sudan and the majority of the deaths have been the result of political, factional and ethnic rivalry within Sudan organisations and ethnic groups themselves.

Now, a brief summary of the conflict in Sudan. There are two groups, one identifies itself as the 'Sudan Liberation Army' (SLA) while other identifies itself as 'Justice and Equality Movement' (JEM). The conflict initated in 2003 in west of Sudan. They launched attacks on government garrisons, policemen and civilians in the area. Now we all know that Darfur has at least 80 tribes and ethnic groups. Many of the rebels belong to two or three [African] communities such as the Zaghawa and the Fur tribes. Now Sudan is known for its past tribal-wars elements. But this time, it 'came sophisticated since they acquired weapons. In the past, this strife between Nomads and farmers in agricultural zone was also resolved peacefully in traditional meetings between chiefs of tribe. Now, since those two groups started the war in 2003, the tribal strife became a political agenda to promote power. Tthe anti-government critics accused (without evidence) the Sudanese Government of supportin' the "Janjaweed" which is absurd and claimed that there is a genocide in Sudan. This has been refuted by the UN report AND the EU Report that there is no genocide in Darfur.
http://www.sudanembassy.org/asp/print.asp?ID=304

The total amount people who died were 5,000 instead of the alleged figure of 50,000. Out of this 5,000, 486 were policemen. The conflcit in Sudan, simply put, is the result humanitarian catastrophe between the rebel forces and government. Moreover, no evidence of mass-rapes have been found as the WHO concluded. They stated in their reports that there are no acts of mass-rapes as claimed by western human rights organizations.

Now Christian groups have made fabricated accounts that there are civilians who being enslaved and sold. For example, Ms Boof asserted that "rich Palestinians have black women slaves working in their kitchens, their tongques cut of of their heads". Now, the activitis, without verifyin' the allegations, started their propagandic campaigns. Fortunaley, the New York Times examined her allegations in some depth and concludes that it was all lies. Even the anti-government Sudan Commusion of Human Rights despised her at the end for fabricating accounts. Christian fundamentalist groups such as the CSI also re-defined tribal abductions as "slavery". For example, Nuer (aminist tribe) and the Dinka (aminist tribe) are the two largest tribes and had been on opposite sides since the war in 1991. Now, they both engaged in abduction and kidnapping within the context of their inter-tribal raiding. Some Christian groups such as 'Christianity Today' had to re-tract their claims of slavery. They wrote:
"Recently, the NSCC [New Sudan Council of Churches] and humanitarian
groups facilitated reconciliation talks between the warring Dinka and
Nuer tribes in the south. One of the peace treaty requirements
stipulated returning all people they had abducted."


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Tayyib musawwir
07-09-2005, 03:00 AM
Originally Posted by khilji
Brother Tayyib,

Please see if you can participate in our group and please invite brother saeedbashir to join this forum and our group.

Again, I thank you for speaking out for fellow muslim brothers.

To stop muslim oppression on fellow muslims should be our first order of business. That is why we need people from both sides to hear their story. The more information the better. Once we know enough to come to some conclusion, we can take a stand and all of us in our group or from the entire forum, we can make statements after taking votes and tell the guilty parties to stop their crimes. Although it may not stop anything at the moment, at least we can be informed and inform others. We will appeal to their sense of shame, and they should know that their fellow muslims of the Ummah are aware of their crimes againnst fellow muslims.

When our group grows, Insha-Allah, to some respectable size, we can take more intiatives to affect the real world, through our increasing contacts with OIC and other muslim multilateral organizations.
khilji Dhaka indian friend im already a group member grad soneone respon to thread did should speakout africa's aids starvasation our men woman child we dont who will give dam stop enemys in islam comeantin crimes againnst tords black muslims cause there Racistm evil
Reply

khilji
07-09-2005, 09:37 AM
Originally Posted by Tayyib musawwir
khilji Dhaka indian friend im already a group member grad soneone respon to thread did should speakout africa's aids starvasation our men woman child we dont who will give dam stop enemys in islam comeantin crimes againnst tords black muslims cause there Racistm evil
:sl:

Brother Tayyib,

I have looked into the Darfur problem. It is complicated at best, but very simply it looks like the Khartoum government of Omar Al-Bashir has turned loose the nomadic Janjawiid (Jalul and other similar tribes) on the marginalised non-arab speaking tribes of Fur, Tunjur, Masalit and Zaghawa of Darfur region of Western Sudan.

The main causes of conflict are more environmental than anything else, the nomadic Arabic speaking tribes are not being able to support their herds on depleting grazing lands and the settled tribes are not as supportive of the nomads as before since their arable land is also diminishing from draught and desertification.

The non-arab tribes once joined Garang's SPLA of Southern Sudan, but they were betrayed. So they formed their own rebel forces, the SLA and JEM.

It seems like its a classic case of Muslims fighting each other based on pseudo racial lines, but probably more on cultural and linguistic lines triggered by sharing of scarce natural resources for survival, which in this case happens to be good agricultural land.

As before, I believe we need first hand accounts from all sides:

Fur, Tujur, Masalit and Zaghawa speaking tribes
Jalul and other arabic speaking nomadic tribes in western Darfur region
Khartoum government
Turabi led opposition party

One good news and silver lining is that the long standing Southern Christian and animist rebellion leader of SPLA, John Garang, has just joined Omar Al-Bashir's government as Vice President. Congratulations to the Sudanese people for successfully settling one conflict - but there is a six year trial period for the settlement and hopefully both sides will get along and keep their side of the bargain.

Here is a detailed account on Darfur problem I found on the web:
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Counter-Insurgency on the Cheap
Alex de Waal

Darfur's landscapes have a cruel beauty, and few are more unyielding than the nomadic encampment of Aamo. It is in a stony wasteland on a plain ringed by mountains formed from ancient volcanic cores. A distant sweep of pink sand marks the course of a seasonal river, Wadi Kutum. Many years ago, I stayed there as a guest of the nazir ('paramount chief') of a clan of Arab nomads known as the Jalul. With their broad black tents pitched on the sand, camels browsing on the thorn trees, and sparse but finely worked possessions, they were the stuff of coffee-table ethnography books. Today, Aamo lies at the centre of the violence that is disfiguring Darfur: tens of thousands are already dead and hundreds of thousands have been driven from their homes. The first massacre of the conflict took place just a few miles from Aamo, when the Janjawiid militia murdered several dozen villagers who had sought safety in the town of Kutum.

I met the elderly nazir, Sheikh Hilal Musa, in 1985. His tent was hung with the paraphernalia of a lifetime's nomadism - water jars, saddles, spears, swords, leather bags and an old rifle. He invited me to sit opposite him on a fine Persian rug, summoned his retainer to serve sweet tea on a silver platter, and told me the world was coming to an end. At that time, Darfur was gripped by drought and disturbing changes were afoot. The Saharan winds were blowing sand onto fertile hillsides, and when it rained the water was cutting gullies through the rich alluvial soil along the wadi. Worse, the villagers who had always played host to camel nomads were now barring their migrations, and stopping them from using pastures and wells.

Hilal rebuked me for not speaking Arabic like an Englishman: all colonial officers had been schooled in classical Arabic, not the Darfurian Sudanese version I had picked up. He said that the last Englishman who had enjoyed his hospitality was Assistant District Commissioner Thesiger, who had served in Kutum. Thesiger was famous in Darfur chiefly as a crack shot. In those days, only British officers were permitted to own rifles with enough power and accuracy to bring down a lion. By the time of my visit in 1985, privately owned firearms were a rarity. The nazir gave me a giraffe-tail fly whisk when I left. More as a result of ecological change than colonial hunting parties, lion and giraffe have now vanished from all but the southern fringes of Darfur, where the forests stretch into southern Sudan and Central African Republic. In the semi-arid plateaux of north Darfur, as the savannas fade into desert, we saw only the occasional gazelle.

Hilal was a commanding figure, even in his eighties, thin, stooped and nearly blind. The Sufis - and almost all Darfurians are followers of one or another Sufi sect, mostly of West African origin - talk of baraka, a God-given charisma or blessing. 'Sheikhdom comes from God,' Hilal believed. 'The degrees of sheikhdom are man-made.' Rather than the formally superior title of nazir, he stuck with the lowlier but more meaningful sheikh: he was known across the vastness of Darfur simply as Sheikh Hilal. Today the name of his son Musa is known even more widely: Musa Hilal is the leader of the Janjawiid; his name is first on the US government's list of suspected war criminals.

Sheikh Hilal was unbendingly proud of his nomadic way of life. He insisted that everyone in his tribe possessed camels. 'Look at that small boy,' he said, pointing to his grandson. 'Even he owns camels.' This was probably true: even in those straitened times, Hilal's family was reputed to have several thousand, although the sheikh was too old to ride a camel and rarely saw them. His herds were three hundred miles to the north, pasturing on the sweet grasses of the desert, after the rains. His nephew had recently sold 120 camels to provide food for hungry kinsmen, and Hilal had loaned many to poor relatives, from a herd that was shrinking faster than he knew. 'We assist each other. No Jalul will ever need to cultivate,' he said.

But only an hour's walk away, we found an encampment of Jalul who had lost their camels and goats during the drought and had settled in an attempt to farm. The local villagers, from the Tunjur group (a close relation of the Fur, the largest ethnic group in the region), had given them only dry, sandy soil, keeping the alluvium next to the wadi for themselves. Famous for its sweet dates, Wadi Kutum is among the most valuable farmland in north Darfur, and the Tunjur were careful to register it long before other farmers realised the importance of legal title to land. The Jalul farmers were resentful, scratching at the arid uplands in an attempt to grow a few heads of millet. Their sheikh did his best to keep up pretences. In the evening he served a lavish meal of goat and rice, and gave us directions to where we could find his sons and camels. When we finished, having eaten more than enough, he called out to his niece: 'Bring the next course!' There was no next course.

The British conquered Dar Fur ('Land of the Fur') in 1916, defeating the army of Sultan Ali Dinar, descendant of the 17th-century founder of the Fur sultanate, Suleiman Solong, whose long neglected grave lies in the mountains a day's drive south of Aamo. Like many of Darfur's key political leaders, Solong was of mixed ancestry, the son of an Arab father and a Fur mother. Despite talk of 'Arabs' and 'Africans', it is rarely possible to tell on the basis of skin colour which group an individual Darfurian belongs to. All have lived there for centuries and all are Muslims.

Many maps of Darfur have tribal names scrawled across wide territories, implying that some areas are inhabited exclusively by one of the region's thirty or more ethnic groups. This can be misleading: there is such a long history of internal migration, mixing and intermarriage that ethnic boundaries are mostly a matter of convenience. Individuals, even whole groups, can shed one label and acquire another. When the British overran the region, they found it convenient to suppose that paramount chiefs had precisely demarcated authority over ethnic groups and jurisdiction over the corresponding territory. Darfurians concurred with this fiction, which helped the British administer Darfur with just a handful of colonial officers. The key to making this 'native administration' system work was to award a territory, or dar, to each group. It wasn't land ownership exactly, but the paramount chiefs were allowed to allocate land rights to residents. Until the drought of the 1980s, there was enough land to provide newcomers, of whatever ethnicity, with a plot to farm.

The nomads were an anomaly in this system. Most of those conventionally described as nomads are in fact herders who occupy well-defined areas, but there were a few true nomadic groups in Darfur, such as Sheikh Hilal's Jalul Rizeigat. They moved vast distances between dry-season grazing areas in central and southern Darfur and wet-season pastures on the edge of the desert in the north. In the 1970s, the socialist government of Jaafar Nimeiri gave the Jalul a 'rural people's council' in the form of a village called Fata Borno (where we left the road to find Aamo), but this was merely an administrative convenience, a place where they could register to vote and send their children to school. For pasturing their herds, the Jalul relied on mobility, traversing the migration routes between the farms of Fur and Tunjur villagers, grazing their camels on the hillsides. Sheikh Hilal described what can best be thought of as a 'moral geography' of Darfur. It resembled a chequerboard, with the red squares representing farms, and the white the pastures his herds could graze. 'Wherever there is grass and rain, Allah provides that that is my home,' he said. Ahmed Diraige, a former governor of Darfur and, since then, a long-time opposition politician, recalls how his father, Ibrahim, a Fur shartai (shartai is another word for a paramount chief), hosted Sheikh Hilal's clan and their camels every season in his village, Kargula, on the southern slopes of the mountain of Jebel Marra. Shartai Ibrahim would slaughter a bull to welcome the Jalul, who would pasture their camels on the harvested fields, thus fertilising them, and help the villagers transport their grain to market. When he left, Hilal would present two young camels to his host. Like many other Darfurian Arabs, Hilal casually used racist epithets, such as zurga ('black'), to refer to the Fur and Tunjur farmers. The farmers in their turn described the bedouin as savages and pagans. But the two communities relied on one another, and their leading families intermarried.

Without a dar, the Jalul and the handful of other nomadic groups relied on a socio-geographical order that gave them customary rights to migrate and pasture their animals in areas dominated by farmers. This worked for decades, but by the 1980s, drought, desertification and the expansion of farms were threatening these rights. Sheikh Hilal's moral geography had been disturbed: the cosmic order had given way to chaos. But he would rather die than change.

'Native administration' was local government on the cheap. The chiefs were paid a pittance, receiving their reward through local despotism. After Sudan achieved independence in 1956, successive governments attempted to build up local services such as police, schools and clinics. The positions of sheikhs and nazirs were formally abolished and 'people's councils' set up to do the same job. But Khartoum never delivered the funds and, by the early 1980s, local government was bankrupt. If the governor of Darfur wanted to mount a police operation against bandits, he had to commandeer vehicles and fuel from two rural development projects funded by the World Bank, or from an aid agency. If he wanted to hold an inter-tribal conference to resolve a dispute, he had to ask wealthy citizens to cover the expenses.

A succession of local conflicts erupted in Darfur in the wake of the drought and famine of 1984-85. On the whole, the pastoral groups were pitted against the farmers in what had become a bitter struggle for diminishing resources. The government couldn't intervene effectively, so people armed themselves. A herd of a thousand camels represents more than a million dollars on the hoof: only the most naive herd-owner would not buy automatic rifles to arm his herders. The villagers armed themselves in response. There was an attempt at a reconciliation conference in 1989, but its recommendations were never implemented.

It was also in 1989 that the Islamists toppled Sadiq al-Mahdi's government in Khartoum. (Sadiq had won elections in 1986, the year after Nimeiri was deposed.) The head of state was now the devout and ruthless soldier, Omar al-Bashir, who ruled in uneasy alliance with Hassan al-Turabi, the charismatic leader of the country's Islamist party. With the Islamists in power, the Darfur regional government tried to compensate for the rarity with which it caught criminals by the savagery of the punishments it meted out: execution and public display of the corpse for armed robbers, amputation for thieves. In 1994, the government brought back the old native administration council and allocated territories to chiefs. With no funds to provide services, a suddenly renewed authority to distribute land (now becoming scarce) and self-armed vigilantes all around, this was a charter for local-level ethnic cleansing. Immediately after this administrative reform, there was another round of killings in the far west of Darfur. Much of the present conflict, then, has its origins in land rights and the shortcomings of local administration. But central government, too, is implicated in Darfur's plight, with neglect and manipulation playing equal parts.

Geography is against Darfur. The large town of el Geneina, at the westernmost edge of Darfur, close to the border with Chad, is said to be further from the sea than any other town on the continent. This part of Darfur, popularly known as Dar Masalit after the dominant group, was only absorbed into Sudan in 1922, by a treaty between the sultan and the British. Quite recently, the sultan's grandson, holding court in a decrepit palace, used to joke that he still had the right to secede from Sudan, and he pointedly hung maps of Dar Masalit and Africa on his wall, but not of Sudan.

The train from Khartoum terminates at Nyala in southern Darfur after a three-day journey. It is at least another day's drive to el Geneina, if the road is not cut by wadis carrying rainwater from the massif of Jebel Marra. Khartoum has ignored Darfur: its people have received less education, less healthcare, less development assistance and fewer government posts than any other region - even the Southerners, who took up arms 21 years ago to fight for their rights, had a better deal. Within Darfur, Arabs and non-Arabs alike have been marginalised, and it is Darfur's tragedy that the leaders of these groups have not made common cause in the face of Khartoum's indifference.

Another geographical misfortune is that Darfur borders Chad and Libya. In the 1980s, Colonel Gaddafi dreamed of an 'Arab belt' across Sahelian Africa. The keystone was to gain control of Chad, starting with the Aouzou strip in the north of the country. He mounted a succession of military adventures in Chad, and from 1987 to 1989, Chadian factions backed by Libya used Darfur as a rear base, provisioning themselves freely from the crops and cattle of local villagers. On at least one occasion they provoked a joint Chadian-French armed incursion into pursuing them. Many of the guns in Darfur came from those factions. Gaddafi's formula for war was expansive: he collected discontented Sahelian Arabs and Tuaregs, armed them, and formed them into an Islamic Legion that served as the spearhead of his offensives. Among the legionnaires were Arabs from western Sudan, many of them followers of the Mahdist Ansar sect, who had been forced into exile in 1970 by President Nimeiri. The Libyans were defeated by a nimble Chadian force at Ouadi Doum in 1988, and Gaddafi abandoned his irredentist dreams. He began dismantling the Islamic Legion, but its members, armed, trained and - most significant of all - possessed of a virulent Arab supremacism, did not vanish. The legacy of the Islamic Legion lives on in Darfur: Janjawiid leaders are among those said to have been trained in Libya.

It was in the mid-1980s, when Nimeiri was overthrown, that the Ansar exiles began to return. A few weeks after meeting Sheikh Hilal, I went in search of his sons, herding their camels in the desert. As we travelled north, we saw the tracks of military vehicles crossing the desert heading south. In 1987, returnees from Libya took the lead in forming a political bloc known as the Arab Alliance. At one level, the Alliance was simply a political coalition that aimed to protect the interests of a disadvantaged group in western Sudan, but it also became a vehicle for a new racist ideology. The politically insignificant racist epithets of earlier times began to take on an alarming tinge in Darfur. The Alliance also latched onto the dominant ideology of the Sudanese state, the very different Arabism of Nile Valley. The war in Darfur at the end of the 1980s was more than a conflict over land: it was the first step in constructing a new Arab ideology in Sudan.

It is hard to find a news account of the present war in Darfur that does not characterise it as one of 'Arabs' against 'Africans'. Such a description would have been incomprehensible twenty years ago, when Darfurian conceptions of ethnicity and citizenship were still cast in the mould inherited from the Sultanate of Dar Fur and the string of comparable Sudanic states that stretched westwards to the Atlantic. The short but dramatic political career of one Fur politician, Daud Bolad, illustrates the way in which the terms 'African' and 'Arab' took such a hold.

Bolad was one of the leading young Islamists of his generation, but abandoned political Islam after leaving Khartoum University and joined the Sudan People's Liberation Army, led by John Garang. Nothing could be further from the Islamist doctrines Bolad had once championed - and nothing more inimical to them - than the ideology of the SPLA. Although Garang is a Southerner and many in his movement urge a separate state for southern Sudan, he is not a separatist himself. He believes that the non-Arabs in Sudan - an alliance of Southerners and marginalised groups in northern Sudan, such as the Fur - form a numerical majority and should dominate a secular, pluralist and united Sudan. Garang has therefore recruited from exploited non-Arab communities on the fringes of northern Sudan, such as the Nuba, and the string of peoples along the Blue Nile valley close to Ethiopia. In 1992 the Sudan government launched its largest ever offensive, aiming to empty the Nuba region entirely under the banner of jihad. It failed and today the Nuba have achieved modest autonomy within the wider framework of a peace deal signed in Kenya in May.

Bolad and a clandestine network of local activists were Garang's entrée in Darfur. As he had done for the Nuba and Blue Nile, he dispatched a small expeditionary force into Darfur in 1991, aiming to begin an insurrection. It was a disaster. Bolad and his troops had to cross a vast distance in the dry season. The only water available was in deep boreholes, which were situated in villages and carefully guarded. Moreover, the territory was occupied by cattle-herding Arab groups, who were fiercely hostile to the SPLA. The government quickly traced Bolad's unit and hunted it down, using both the regular army and a militia of Beni Halba Arabs. A handful of fighters escaped and walked for months through Central African Republic back to southern Sudan. Bolad was captured and interrogated by the governor, Colonel al-Tayeb Ibrahim, a military doctor and leading Islamist known as 'Sikha' or the 'Iron Rod', because of his skill at wielding reinforcing rods during student demonstrations when he was bodyguard to the leader of the Khartoum University Islamists - Daud Bolad. There is no record of the encounter between the two. Bolad was never seen again. Worst of all, his diary was seized. In it were names and details of every member of his clandestine network.

Many disappeared into prisons and 'ghost houses', others were so unnerved by how much was known to their interrogators that they renounced their cause and were freed, although they were sure that their every movement continued to be watched. A generation of opposition leaders was annihilated or neutralised. Thereafter, radical Darfurian leaders were suspicious of the SPLA, fearing that it would swallow them whole, or misuse them for its own purposes. But as the SPLA continued to resist everything the Sudanese army could throw at it, and gained a high international standing, they, too, learned to characterise their plight in the simplified terms that had proved so effective in winning foreign sympathy for the South: they were the 'African' victims of an 'Arab' regime.

The 'African' label may have played well to international audiences in the 1990s, but it had little purchase in Sudan. One reason for this was the prevalence of radical Islam and its appeal to many Darfurians - the result of the success of a political experiment by the regime in Khartoum, masterminded by Hassan al-Turabi. Historically, political Islam in Sudan was dominated by an Arabised elite originating in Nile Valley, with strong links to Egypt. Theirs was a conservative movement, identified with the Arabisation professed by all of Sudan's rulers, both military and civilian. But Turabi broadened the agenda and constituency of the Islamist movement. For example, he insisted that women had rights in Islam, and today more than half of the undergraduates at Khartoum University are women. He also recognised the authenticity of western Sudanese and West African Islam, thus embracing the traditions exemplified by the early 19th-century Fulani jihads and the wandering Sufi scholars of the Maghreb.

In ensuring that citizenship was extended to all devout Muslims, Turabi revolutionised the status of the Sudanese of West African origin, known as the Fellata. This group, several million strong, consists of ethnic Hausa and Fulani whose ancestors were from Nigeria, Mali and Niger and settled in Sudan either on their way to Mecca or as labourers for colonial-era cotton schemes. The Fellata are famous for their piety. Until the Islamist coup of 1989, they were not recognised as Sudanese citizens; Turabi also increased the status of the Fellata sheikhs, thereby correcting a longstanding anomaly and creating an electoral constituency. In Darfur, too, he reached out to the religious leaders of the Fur, Masalit and other groups. As governor of Darfur, al-Tayeb Ibrahim made a point of praising the Fur for their piety and took lessons in the Fur language. The concept of common citizenship through common faith seemed for a time to be a route to Darfurian national emancipation.

But the Islamist promise was a sham. In practical terms, little changed. Only a handful of Darfurians were elevated to high positions in the party and the administration. The national government was relatively even-handed in its treatment of the region's Arabs and non-Arabs, but only in the context of continuing neglect. Local government was still bankrupt; banditry was still rife; drought and desertification continued to spark local conflicts that the governor could not, or would not, try to stop. And before long Sudan's 'westerners' found that their version of Islam was not, after all, accepted on its own terms: they were regarded as true Muslims only if they adopted Arab values and culture.

In the decade following the 1989 putsch, the differences between President Bashir and the mercurial Turabi became ever more apparent. Turabi had ambitions for revolution throughout Africa and the Middle East; Bashir held to the traditional view of Sudan as the possession of an Arabised elite. It was a protracted struggle, over ideology, foreign policy, the constitution and ultimately power itself. Bashir won: in 1999 he dismissed Turabi from his post as speaker of the National Assembly, and later had him arrested. The Islamist coalition was split down the middle. Most of the administration, and all of the security elite in control of the military and various off-budget security agencies, stayed with Bashir. The students and the regional Islamist party cells mostly went into opposition with Turabi, forming the breakaway Popular Congress. Among other things, the dismissal of Turabi gave Bashir the cover he needed to approach the United States, and to engage in a more serious peace process with the SPLA - a process that led to the signing of the peace agreement in Kenya.

The Bashir-Turabi split reverberated in Darfur. Many Darfurians who had come into the Islamist movement under Turabi's leadership now left government - and decided to organise on their own. In May 2000, they produced a 'Black Book' which detailed the region's systematic under-representation in national government since independence. It caused a stir throughout the country and showed how northern Sudan was becoming polarised along racial rather than religious lines.

In describing Daud Bolad as a 'martyr', the 'Black Book' marked a symbolic rapprochement between the Islamists and the secular radicals of Darfur. Hence the unlikely alliance between the latter group, who were busy putting together the Darfur Liberation Front (renamed in early 2003 the Sudan Liberation Army, or SLA) and the Islamist-leaning Justice and Equality Movement (JEM). The rebellion should have taken no one by surprise. But observers of the Sudanese political scene - myself included - had become so accustomed to the quiescence of Darfur that we thought the militants were crying wolf when they predicted a major insurrection. Evidently, the Sudanese government was just as surprised: its peace overtures in the early months were as half-hearted as its military preparations. In April last year, the rebels attacked el Fasher airport, destroyed half a dozen military aircraft and kidnapped an airforce general. The SPLA had managed nothing of the kind in twenty years. The rebels in Darfur had mobility, good intelligence and popular support.

Critically for Bashir, the central pillar of the Sudanese state - a cabal of security officers who have been running the wars in Sudan since 1983 - was still in place. Faced with a revolt that outran the capacity of the country's tired and overstretched army, this small group knew exactly what to do. Several times during the war in the South they had mounted counter-insurgency on the cheap - famine and scorched earth their weapons of choice. Each time, they sought out a local militia, provided it with supplies and armaments, and declared the area of operations an ethics-free zone. The Beni Halba fursan, or 'cavalry', which had been used against the SPLA in 1991, was an obvious instrument to employ in Darfur. The northern camel nomads, including former Islamic legionnaires, were also on hand. Some claim that their name - the Janjawiid - derives from 'G3' (a rifle) and jawad ('horse'), but it is also western Sudanese dialect for 'rabble' or 'outlaws'. Unleashing militias has the added advantage for the security cabal that it may derail the near complete peace process with the SPLA and allow them to retain their extra-budgetary security agencies; it also immunises them against being charged in the future with committing war crimes.

The atrocities carried out by the Janjawiid are aimed at speakers of Fur, Tunjur, Masalit and Zaghawa. They are systematic and sustained; the effect, if not the aim, is grossly disproportionate to the military threat of the rebellion. The mass rape and branding of victims speaks of the deliberate destruction of a community. In Darfur, cutting down fruit trees or destroying irrigation ditches is a way of eradicating farmers' claims to the land and ruining livelihoods. But this is not the genocidal campaign of a government at the height of its ideological hubris, as the 1992 jihad against the Nuba was, or coldly determined to secure natural resources, as when it sought to clear the oilfields of southern Sudan of their troublesome inhabitants. This is the routine cruelty of a security cabal, its humanity withered by years in power: it is genocide by force of habit.

Sheikh Hilal's world, with its stable cosmos and its relaxed reciprocity between farmer and nomad, has disappeared, as he feared it would. Unrelenting poverty has been transformed into violence by misgovernment and imported racisms. What to do now in the face of genocidal massacre and imminent famine? Legal action - trying Musa Hilal and his sponsors as war criminals - is essential to deter such crimes in future. But condemnation is not a solution. The Janjawiid's murderous campaigns must not obscure the fact that Darfur's indigenous bedouins are themselves historic victims.

As they did twenty years ago, the people of Darfur face destitution, hunger and infectious disease. Apocalyptic predictions of mass starvation were made after the 1984 drought - up to a million dead, aid agencies said, if there wasn't food aid. The food didn't come, and many died - around 100,000 - but Darfur society didn't collapse because of the formidable survival skills of its people. They had reserves of food, they travelled huge distances in search of food, work or charity, and above all they gathered wild food from the bush. Today, food reserves and animals have been stolen, and what use is the ability to gather five different kinds of wild grasses, 11 varieties of berry, plus roots and leaves, if leaving a camp means risking rape, mutilation or death? Predictions of up to 300,000 famine deaths must be taken seriously.

A huge aid effort is grinding into gear. But the distances involved mean that food relief is expensive and unlikely to be sufficient. It's tempting to send in the British army to deliver food, but this would be merely symbolic: relief can be flown in more cheaply by civil contractors, and distributed more effectively by relief agencies. The areas controlled by the SLA and JEM contain hundreds of thousands of civilians who are not getting any help. As soon as an intrepid cameraman returns with pictures of this hidden famine, there will be an outcry, and pressure for aid to be delivered across the front lines. There's no reason to wait for the pictures before acting, although it's clear that cross-line aid convoys will need to carry armed guards.

The biggest help would be peace. In theory, there's a ceasefire; in practice, the government and Janjawiid are ignoring it, and the rebels are responding in kind. The government denies that it set up, armed and directed the Janjawiid. It did, but the monster that Khartoum helped create may not always do its bidding: distrust of the capital runs deep among Darfurians, and the Janjawiid leadership knows it cannot be disarmed by force. When President Bashir promised Kofi Annan and Colin Powell that he would disarm the militia, he was making a promise he couldn't keep. The best, and perhaps the only, means of disarmament is that employed by the British seventy-five years ago: establish a working local administration, regulate the ownership of arms, and gradually isolate the outlaws and brigands who refuse to conform. It took a decade then, and it won't be any faster today. Not only are there more weapons now, but the political polarities are much sharper.

A detachment of 60 African Union ceasefire monitors is in Darfur with a slightly larger number of African troops providing security for them. So far no one is providing security for Darfur's terrified civilian populace. If troops are to be sent from outside Africa, this should be their mission. If the local intelligence is good, and a political process is afoot, the hazards should be minimal. But reconstituting Darfur will be slow, complicated and expensive. Understanding what has been lost may be a good place to start.

23 July

Alex de Waal is the director of Justice Africa and the author of Islamism and Its Enemies in the Horn. A revised edition of Famine that Kills: Darfur, Sudan 1984-85 is due from Oxford.
Reply

khilji
07-09-2005, 09:39 AM
The link to the above article

http://www.lrb.co.uk/v26/n15/waal01_.html

To the forum moderators, if the article is too long, please feel free to delete it and replace it with this link.
Reply

khilji
07-09-2005, 10:09 AM
:sl:

Brother Hash,

Excellent post, thanks for pointing out the Agricultural and Farm subsidies and the Arms sales figures.

However, establishing a Khilafah in one go, as Hizbut Tahrir proposes, is an impossible dream, I believe. Under current world situation and considering the past divergent evolution of muslim communities in current nation states, all we can hope for is gradual small steps towards an EC type economic integration, the process of which has already started with formation of D-8 and preferential trade agreements among OIC countries. The problem is that these organizations such as D-8 and OIC are closed and unaccountable to its constituents. It is my hope that, once we have a comprehensive and large enough group, we may be able to start helping them with constructive ideas, one of which will be to ask both of them to open up web forums in their websites, where Muslims of the Ummah would be able to discuss issues of common interest with the officials of these organizations.

:w:
Reply

khilji
07-09-2005, 07:59 PM
:sl:

Brother Hash,

Thanks for the compliment, but all praise belongs to Allah. I also like your passion for the Ummah and its people, Masha-Allah.

Lets work towards uniting the Ummah. Please see if you can recruit more people for our group. We have only 7 members so far.

:w:
Reply

Tayyib musawwir
07-10-2005, 01:31 AM
kinda thinking just maybe Representative group from all muslim communities made into website khilji Dhaka so can get lot more islamic nations started help suffing right away our muslim people
Reply

Nakisai
07-10-2005, 01:32 AM
I'm happy to see that I'm not the only one who noticed
Reply

Tayyib musawwir
07-10-2005, 01:50 AM
kinda thinking maybe Representative group from all muslim communities could make out website so beloved friend khilji so can get more black muslims into it
Reply

imaad_udeen
07-10-2005, 02:04 AM
white Muslims, too....

:)
Reply

Nakisai
07-10-2005, 02:31 AM
Originally Posted by imaad_udeen
white Muslims, too....

:)
of course
Reply

khilji
07-10-2005, 09:21 AM
Originally Posted by Tayyib musawwir
kinda thinking just maybe Representative group from all muslim communities made into website khilji Dhaka so can get lot more islamic nations started help suffing right away our muslim people

kinda thinking maybe Representative group from all muslim communities could make out website so beloved friend khilji so can get more black muslims into it
:sl:

Brother Tayyib,

Insha-Allah, we will have our own website eventually for the "Representative Group from all Muslim Communities" to help the suffering people of the Muslim Ummah.

Black muslims are welcome, just as Muslims of all other races and nationalities. Please invite as many muslims as you can.

At present time, we will continue our work at this forum and I would like to express my sincere gratitude and thanks to islamicboard forum website admins and moderators for their kindness in letting us have this opportunity.

:w:
Reply

khilji
07-10-2005, 09:27 AM
Originally Posted by Nakisai
I'm happy to see that I'm not the only one who noticed
:sl:

Sister Nakisai,

May we humbly request you to become a member of our little group, to work towards the well being of the people of the Ummah - please let us know.

:w:
Reply

khilji
07-10-2005, 09:30 AM
Originally Posted by imaad_udeen
white Muslims, too....

:)
:sl:

Brother Imaad_udeen,

We will be honored to have you as a member of our small group - please let us know if you would be interested.

:w:
Reply

imaad_udeen
07-10-2005, 05:02 PM
Originally Posted by khilji
:sl:

Brother Imaad_udeen,

We will be honored to have you as a member of our small group - please let us know if you would be interested.

:w:
:sl:

Very interested,.

:w:
Reply

Tayyib musawwir
07-15-2005, 02:58 AM
Originally Posted by khilji
:sl:

Brother Tayyib,

Insha-Allah, we will have our own website eventually for the "Representative Group from all Muslim Communities" to help the suffering people of the Muslim Ummah.

Black muslims are welcome, just as Muslims of all other races and nationalities. Please invite as many muslims as you can.

At present time, we will continue our work at this forum and I would like to express my sincere gratitude and thanks to islamicboard forum website admins and moderators for their kindness in letting us have this opportunity.

:w:
found aother islam board site khilji ummah.com forum so can tell everyone bout Representative Group from all Muslim Communities" to help the africa's Ethiopia sudan suffering people of the Muslim
Reply

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