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It looks like Imran Khan is about to become Pakistan's prime minister
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    It looks like Imran Khan is about to become Pakistan's prime minister

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    Salaam

    Change in Pakistan, wonder if he will make a difference?

    here's what we can expect of him

    Even a genuinely reformist candidate in the state has to find some kind of accommodation with the military – but that appeasement also carries the risk that the occupant of the presidential palace will find his middle class followers disillusioned


    It is tempting to see the rise of Imran Khan in Pakistan as a sort of counterpart to the En Marche! phenomenon in France that propelled Emmanuel Macron to power. As Mr Khan enjoys a surge in support for his party, Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (Pakistan Movement for Justice, or PTI), and every chance of winning the elections this week, there are some parallels between the young French president and the youthful (though 65-year-old) Mr Khan.

    Mr Khan enjoys a legendary charisma, mostly born of his cricketing prowess, as if Gareth Southgate or Harry Kane were running to be prime minister of Britain. We know him in Britain too as the former husband of Jemima Goldsmith, and thus brother-in-law to her brother Zac.

    He has glamour, then, and a common touch that has seen his party make inroads in the populous Punjab, without which none can rule in Pakistan. Mr Khan has also made radical, reformist noises, pledged to rid his land of endemic corruption, and, more predictably, attacked the United States from its drone powered incursions into the Islamic Republic’s territory.

    Mr Khan, in other words, promises much, and, like Mr Macron, founded and still leads his own political party, which at times is not much more than a fan club for its handsome head. (Though the basically populist PTI is much older than En Marche!)

    Mr Khan and the PTI has done well in recent years in building support, mainly at the expense of two older parties, the vaguely progressive Pakistan Peoples Party, currently led by another member of the Bhutto dynasty, and the more conservative Pakistan Muslim League – Nawaz (PML-N), whose ex-leader, and former prime minister, Nawaz Sharif, was recently jailed on corruption charges.

    All, however, is not what it seems. Mr Khan is widely regarded as being an ally of what remains the most powerful institution in the country and the only one, according to Mr Khan, that functions effectively – the army.

    The generals, a ruthless though stabilising force in Pakistani society, are reportedly “pre-rigging” the election in Mr Khan’s favour, including the arrest of Sharif (which is not to say that the move was unjust). It seems that the PTI has suffered less from electoral violence than some of its rivals, including a terror attack at a rally in Baluchistan that killed 149 people.

    Condemning corruption is not consistent with being cosy with the Pakistani army, a body that controls substantial chunks of the economy and has plenty of money and the muscle to get its way, on a national scale and by way of kickbacks and petty corruption and abuse of power. The army has frequently intervened in Pakistani politics, subverted democracy, and collaborated with religious extremists, including the Taliban in the 1980s, when young men such as Osama bin Laden were based there to fight America’s proxy war against the Soviet Union in Afghanistan.

    The legacy of that haunts Pakistan to this day. The result is that even a genuinely reformist candidate in the state has to find some kind of accommodation with the military; but that appeasement also carries the risk that the occupant of the presidential palace will find his middle class followers disillusioned. If he chooses instead to challenge the army, then, like Mr Sharif, he may find himself more or less gently deposed.

    Pakistan’s endemic problems with graft and corruption go a long way to explaining its long-term disappointing economic performance, despite a recent spate of growth. That matters in a predominantly young nation of some 200 million, and which must look with envy at what its neighbours India and China have been able to achieve in recent decades.

    If Mr Khan is unable to do much about the corruption, then he will find the economy works way below its potential, and foreign investors, already wary of political instability and the backwash of violence from Afghanistan, will prefer to put their euros, yen and dollars into India.

    Without economic growth, better public infrastructure, and opportunities, unemployment, health and education are harder to come by. Pakistan’s severe social problems, including the treatment of women and human rights generally, will remain intractable without money, something Mr Khan, a prominent philanthropist, at least shows awareness of.

    Last, Mr Khan is no better placed to deal with tribalism than his rivals. He too enjoys a regional base of support in Punjab, and has had to rely on old-school defecting politicians from other parties and prominent families to bolster his support. He optimistically describes these mercenary politicians as “electables”, though corruptibles might be a better sobriquet.

    Pakistan, then, may change under Mr Khan, and for the better, but it will take formidable skill to make this happen. Mr Khan has won for Pakistan many times on the cricket pitch; he will find his new job a much stickier wicket.

    https://www.independent.co.uk/voices/editorials/imran-khan-pakistan-election-prime-minister-muslim-league-army-macron-en-marche-zac-goldsmith-a8460436.html

    An old interview.


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    Re: It looks like Imran Khan is about to become Pakistan's prime minister

    May Allah guide him to be truthful and just - and to care more about truth and justice in Allah's sight than the threats of blackmailers who most likely have a dossier on him.
    What does make me wonder is how he managed to convince the usurers who have most countries in a stranglehold, and who use the American government as a goon - that he's a candidate who stands a chance.....
    But Allah knows best and we'll probably know his actual leanings from the policies he implements.
    If all countries manage to have the british east india cartel debts cancelled and come out of slavery to the usurers, the world could actually move forwards in prosperity - if they see the good sense in choosing to implement full spectrum Islamic teachings in obedience to Allah - their real guardian.


    ---

    https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Euro...f_the_Americas

    ----

    Research conducted by GreatGameIndia Magazine has revealed that the Rothschild family was one of the controller families of the East India Company.

    https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rothschild_family


    East India Company (EIC)
    IMG_20180728_8824.jpg

    Attachment 6466
    Flag

    440px-Coat_of_arms_of_the_East_India_Company.svg.jpg
    Coat of arms

    Former type
    Public
    Industry: International trade
    Fate : Dissolved, after being mostly nationalised in 1858
    Founded : 31 December 1600
    Founders: John Watts, George White
    Defunct: 1 June 1874
    Headquarters: London, England (Great Britain)

    (Dissolved as a private company after invading and occupying the long dreamed of Atlantis and re-establishing as a country with the one eyed seal)

    British America refers to the British Empire's colonial territories on the continent of North America and Bermuda, Central America, the Caribbean, and Guyana from 1607 to 1783

    The British colonies in North America were formally known as British America and the British West Indies before 1776, when the Thirteen Colonies on the east coast declared their independence in the American Revolutionary War (1775–1783) and formed the United States of America.

    https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/British_America


    Bank of England:

    Headquarters Threadneedle Street
    London, EC2
    England, United Kingdom
    Established 27 July 1694;

    The Bank was privately owned by stockholders from its foundation in 1694
    until it was nationalised in 1946.


    images(2).jpg
    Great seal front u.s.a


    400px-Great_coat_of_arms_of_Rothschild_family.svg.jpg
    Rothschild coat of arms
    See also:

    http://somicom.com/media/2015/03/06/...taxes-you-pay/


    John Adams, 2nd US President
    All the perplexities, confusion and distress in America arise, not from the defects of the Constitution or confederation, not from want of honour or virtue, so much as from the downright ignorance of the nation, of “coin”, “credit” and “circulation”.


    Abraham Lincoln 16th US President
    The money-power preys upon the nation in times of peace, and conspires against it in times of adversity. It is more despotic than monarchy, more insolent than the aristocracy, more selfish than the bureaucracy. It denounces, as public enemies, all who question its methods or throw light upon its crimes.

    Thomas Jefferson US President
    Single acts of tyranny may be ascribed to the accidental opinion of the day, but a series of oppressions begun at a distinguished period, unalterable through every change of ministers, too plainly prove a deliberate, systematic plan of reducing us to slavery.



    NATIONAL DEBT CLOCKS . ORG

    NATIONAL DEBT OF PAKISTAN


    ₨ 20,214,057,076,468


    Convert to USD

    Source: Pakistan Government Data



    Interest per Year
    ₨2,033,240,253,313

    Interest per Second
    ₨64,474

    Debt per Citizen
    ₨96,395

    Debt as % of GDP
    73.90%

    GDP
    ₨27,354,209,844,620

    Population
    209,700,000

    https://www.nationaldebtclocks.org/debtclock/pakistan

    That's pk Rs 3,868,440 interest/tribute to the Rothschilds per minute

    X60 =232,106,400 per hour

    X24 =5,570,553,600 per day ($59,184,000)

    X7 =38,993,875,200 per week

    X4 =155,975,500,800 per month

    59 million dollars tribute a day from slave labour for wot? For having been colonized, raped, looted, and left like peasants by the rothschild run british east india co. opium dealers who now run the american racket?


    Edit:

    I've posted some information on the topic here:

    War, Slavery, and Compound Tribute Extraction
    Last edited by Abz2000; 07-29-2018 at 04:44 PM.
    It looks like Imran Khan is about to become Pakistan's prime minister













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    Re: It looks like Imran Khan is about to become Pakistan's prime minister

    Pakistanis earn $1513 a year on average Per capita income: A Pakistani now makes $1,513 a year - The Express Tribune which means an average Pakistani earns 12k–13k a month.

    Rs 12,500 ÷ 30 days
    =rs 416.66 per day
    ÷ 24
    = rs 17.36 per hour
    ÷ 60
    = rs 0.289 per minute
    ÷ 60
    = rs 0.0048225309 per second

    Rs 64,474 interest per second
    ÷ 0.0048225309 earnings per individual per second
    =13,369,328.540746

    Which translates into the equivalent of the ENTIRE earnings of 13,369,329 people on interest only, and that's without counting their food and other living costs.

    Population 193.2 million (2016)
    Sources: World Bank and United States Census Bureau

    GDP 283.7 billion USD (2016)
    Source: World Bank


    283,700,000,000
    ÷193,200,000
    =1,468.4265010352 USD

    So that calculation is actually if you count every male and female including the elderly and the newborn babies. Whereas it is the people living on the lower rungs who pay the highest taxes through purchase of goods.



    The usurers are lying when they claim that any people who are subject to usury are "free and independent" and that abusive and haraam slavery doesn't exist.



    Usury is unlawful



    18. (Pharaoh) said: "Did we not (nuRABBIKA) cherish thee as a child among us, and didst thou not stay in our midst many years of thy life?
    19. "And thou didst a deed of thine which (thou knowest) thou didst, and thou art of the (KAAFIREEN) ungrateful (wretched deniers)!"
    20. Moses said: "I did it then, when I was in error.
    21. "So I fled from you (all) when I feared you; but my Lord has (since) invested me with judgment (and wisdom) and appointed me as one of the apostles.
    22. "And this is the favour with which thou dost reproach me,- that thou hast enslaved the Children of Israel!"

    From Quran, Chapter 26
    Last edited by Abz2000; 08-02-2018 at 06:51 PM.
    It looks like Imran Khan is about to become Pakistan's prime minister













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    Re: It looks like Imran Khan is about to become Pakistan's prime minister

    Salaam

    Like to share

    The Meaning of Pakistan*

    Richard Bulliet observes that without the Islamic Revolution, Iran would be a very similar country to Pakistan. That is, Iran would be a country dominated by an elite that is globally integrated, internationally oriented and culturally separated from most of its population. This elite would present itself as being liberal and modern, but it would, at the same time, contrive to ensure that ordinary people would have minimal access to education, healthcare, public infrastructure, and justice (Bulliet, 2017). The gap between rulers and the ruled would be so wide that the state would find its legitimacy and monopoly of lethal violence questioned. By making a comparison between Pakistan and its neighbour to the West rather than the East, and by conceiving of political Islam as a possible engine of the egalitarian transformation of a society, Bulliet’s counterfactual sketch enlarges the range of examples by which the story of South Asia is told and analysed.

    Conventionally, the story of South Asia since 1947 is often presented as a study in contrasts, in which one of the successor states to the British Raj is considered to be more or less successful, and the other is deemed more or less to have failed. While it is the case that the failure of Pakistan can be exaggerated, there is a degree to which many people would accept that, at the very minimum, Pakistan has not achieved its potential. Among commentators on Pakistan and Pakistanis themselves, there is much debate as to how to account for the shortcomings of the country. One could summarize this discussion in terms of the reasons that are most often advanced as a primary cause of Pakistan’s failings.

    A number of explanations circulate that purport to account for the failure of Pakistan. They include commentary that sees the problem in terms of a democratic deficit. It is argued that the absence of democracy in Pakistan has led to the crisis of governance, which has doomed any project of social transformation. Or there are narratives which blame ‘political Islam’ or ‘religious fundamentalism’ for the growth of violence and intolerance in the country. There are other arguments which emphasize socio-economic problems as the main reason for the country’s political plight. None of these cases are mutually exclusive and nor is the above list exhaustive, However, what is common to all of them is the way they are beholden to certain tropes found within Orientalism and its South Asian variant: Indology.

    These tropes furnish the dominant accounts of Pakistan, which present it as an anomaly within South Asia. Within these reports, Pakistan always appears as a scandalous presence. Since Pakistan’s very creation is seen as an interruption of the essential unity of the sub-continent, therefore its continued existence is considered to be a historical mistake.

    This illegitimacy of Pakistan is not only in relation to the ‘Indianness’ of South Asia but also in relation to what is considered standard practice in the world at large. This “double” orientalism helps to generate statements about Pakistan in terms of its difference from both India and the West (presented as the destiny of the world). It asserts that there are features absent in Pakistan which should be found in a “normal” country. This difference is considered to be objective and axiomatic, rather than a feature of a Eurocentric episteme.

    The critique of Orientalism has ranged far and wide; to a large extent, the study of Pakistan in general, and in particular Pakistani politics, has remained immune to such a critique. There is a general perception that the critique of Orientalism is mainly concerned with epistemological matters and has little to offer in the form of substantive studies, and even less regarding practical suggestions as what should be done.

    Seventy years on, the analysis of Pakistan has to be unchained from its moorings in the field of Indology. One way to do this is to re-contextualize the process of the formation of Pakistan, not within the confines of the geopolitics of the succession to the British Raj, but rather as part of a series of intellectual, political and cultural developments within the Islamosphere. In the process, I want to suggest that the comparison that Bulliet makes between Iran and Pakistan has a coherence which is not merely anecdotal but points to a specific structural logic. At the heart of this suggestion is a belief that historiographies centred on nation-states are not particularly useful in understanding the process of state formation that gave birth to these nation-states.

    Kemalism is understood as the ideology, policy, and practices pursued by Mustafa Kemal in the remnants of the Ottoman state. The nationalist historiographical perspective would see Kemalism as a phenomenon related to the Turkish Republic, with very little salience for other societies. It is, however, possible to tell the history of Muslim societies in the wake of European decolonization through the exploration of the expanded concept of Kemalism as elaborated in A Fundamental Fear (Sayyid 2015). Kemalism is not a mere empirical category in this perspective, but rather an analytical metaphor which transcends the ex-Ottoman domains to include the policies and ideologies identified with diverse figures such as Reza Pahlavi (1878-1944) in Iran, Amanullah Khan (1890-1962) in Afghanistan, Sukarno (1901-1970) in Indonesia and Nasser (1918-1970) in Egypt. Kemalism understood modernity as de-orientalising (i.e. making Western) Islamicate societies, where Islam was a signifier of the Orient par excellence. In its various iterations and vernacularizations, Kemalism was a set of overlapping positions regarding the belief that only a national identity could be the vehicle of a hegemonic political subjectivity throughout the Islamosphere. The formation of Pakistan was a challenge to Kemalism. The movement for Pakistan is based on ethnicity or language but rather a politicized Muslim subjectivity. The demand that Muslims of the British Raj had to have a distinct homeland meant that being Muslim could not simply be dismissed as something that could be confined to the private sphere The mass mobilizations that sustained the demands for a Muslim homeland were only possible with what we have in Pakistan: the appearance of Muslim mobilization and the articulation of an Islamic ideological state

    The quest for a Muslim nation in South Asia was both a confirmation of Indology and its rejection. It was a confirmation because it seemed to accept that India was Hindu; but it was a rejection because it sought to establish a Muslim homeland in India. The Pakistan movement was also a retort to the Kemalist consensus that the Muslim could not be a political subject. The two-nation theory constructed an Islamicate historical presence as something that could be projected into the future.

    There were three possible subject positions around which an emancipatory or decolonial project could be built in the context of British-ruled South Asia. One, there was the possibility of a Pan-Indian identity. That is, taking the colonial difference as the primary form of identification and mobilization. A Pan-Indian subject would be organized not around an ethnicity or linguistic community or religious congregation; rather it would be the residual of British/European subject identity. Two, there was a possibility of a multinational South Asian subject: that is, South Asia would be a mere geographic expression containing a variety of countries approximating nation-states in which regions such as Gujarat, Punjab, and Bengal would form individual nations based on a distinct literature and language, shared territory and common cultural practices. The third possible subject position was a trans-local, trans-ethnic subject built along the widest possible principles, able to counter-act not only the Europeanness of the British Raj, but also an Indianess that was predominantly ‘Hindu’. It is this third possibility that frames the emergence of the very idea of Pakistan (Sayyid, 2014: 281-282).

    The Pakistan experiment offered the chance of a mobilized Muslim subjectivity to build an ex niliho order. There was no antecendant Muslim state for Pakistan to recover or restore, therefore no option of building an political community around a pre-Islamic heritage. Unlike, say, Iran or Turkey, Pakistan’s founders were confronted by a constitutional void caused by the demise of the Mughal Empire in 1857 (Arjomand, 2007). The Pakistani constitution could not directly transfer the monarchical prerogative to the people; it is for this reason that the history of Pakistani constitution-making was protracted and contested (Sayyid, 2014: 282).

    Mawdudi’s theorization of Pakistan as an ‘ideological state’ was a tentative attempt to recognize that the country that officially came to be on 14 August 1947 had no precedent in previous Islamicate states. The radicality of the formation of Pakistan arises from both the immense achievement of creating the largest Muslim state and creating it out of virtually nothing, with no direct precedent. The idea of an ‘ideological state’ was an attempt to locate the legitimacy of Pakistan not in its past like many other nation-states, but in the future. Ideology was a substitute for history in the formation of the ‘Islamic Republic’ of Pakistan. The theorization of Pakistan as an ideological state remained underdeveloped. This under-development was a product not so much of the failure to agree on the definition of what Pakistan means, or the failure to recognize the heterogeneous character of the newly formed character of the country. Such failings are symptoms, not explanations. The contested nature of Pakistan did not arise from Pakistan being insufficiently imagined, but rather it being insufficiently decolonized.

    It is an aspect of this incompleteness of decolonization of Pakistan that has meant that much of the Pakistani elite failed to comprehend the meaning of its foundation. The formation of Pakistan would be the first major disruption of the Kemalist hegemony: the idea of a Pakistan was not based on the mobilization of subjects based on ethnicity or language, but rather on being Muslim – this politicizing of Muslim identity is precisely what the discourse of Kemalism rejected. So, we have in Pakistan the appearance of Muslim mobilization and the articulation of an Islamic ideological state. The idea that Islam constitutes an ideology was key – in other words, that Islam was not just a religion that had to be confined to matters of private devotion, but rather a system of belief with socio-economic impact. Thus, the attempt to describe Islam as an ideological state was an exercise in the (re-) politicization of Islam. The formation of Pakistan was made possible by the rejection of Kemalism. This rejection, however, was not sustained when it came to the working of the Pakistani state. The vision of Pakistan as an Islamic state began to be recuperated into the repertoire of Kemalist statecraft: this can be seen in the debates of the official language of Pakistan. Many policies could have been implemented, ranging from an authentic recognition of the multi-lingual character of the country and the abandonment of any attempt to have an official language; to a choice of official language which replaced all current linguistic hierarchies e.g. Arabic (or Farsi) in the context of South Asia. Instead, the policy followed made Urdu and English into official languages, with unfortunate consequences for other languages such as Bengali. Other similar changes occurred, e.g. Pakistani citizenship legislation restricted the rights of Muslims, even from South Asia, to become Pakistanis (Sayyid, 2014: 281-284).

    In other words, Pakistan increasingly took the form of a conventional state in which continuity of colonial rule and Kemalist rule furnished its basic guiding principles. Once the mobilization in the name of Islam had created Pakistan, the leadership of the new country, for the most part, unaware of the radical nature of its formation, began to banalize its claims and the process of depoliticization of Islam started. Unlike other Kemalist entities, Pakistani’s Kemalist tendencies continued to run up against the founding narrative of Pakistan as a Muslim homeland. The recuperation of the Pakistani state in Kemalism meant that the decolonial potential of the experiment of Pakistan would remain unfulfilled. The tragedy of Pakistan remains that those who rule, do not believe in it and those who believe in it, so far, have not been able to rule it.

    https://www.criticalmuslimstudies.co...g-of-pakistan/

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    Re: It looks like Imran Khan is about to become Pakistan's prime minister

    Salaam

    Another update, Looks like Imran Khan is showing a spine, lets see how long it lasts.



    Imran’s wife ‘more scared than thrilled’ with new role

    First lady’s veiled appearance at Pakistan PM’s oath-taking draws mixed reaction on social media


    Islamabad: In her first media talk after her husband’s oath-taking ceremony, Bushra Bibi, the wife of new Pakistan Prime Minister Imran Khan, described her feelings at becoming the first lady of Pakistan as more of an overwhelming sense of responsibility than joy or excitement.

    “I am more scared than thrilled or overjoyed,” she said while talking to media after the ceremony.

    When asked if she wanted to give a message to the nation, she said coming to power was temporary, and the real issue was how one would serve the nation.

    https://gulfnews.com/news/asia/pakistan/imran-s-wife-more-scared-than-thrilled-with-new-role-1.2268290

    Predictable feminist response.


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    Re: It looks like Imran Khan is about to become Pakistan's prime minister

    Salaam

    Another update

    Blurb

    Pakistan's political and strategic significance for Iran began with Pakistan’s emergence as an independent state following the Partition of India in 1947. The Shah of Iran, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, was the first head of state to pay a State visit to Pakistan in March 1950 and in the same month, a Treaty of Friendship was signed. But conflicting national security interests and the influence of wider competing powers have always played an important factor in shaping the Iran-Pakistan relationship, especially after the Islamic Revolution in Iran in 1979. I’m Kasim, this is KJ Vids and in this video, we will look into the relationship between Iran and Pakistan.


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    Re: It looks like Imran Khan is about to become Pakistan's prime minister

    Salaam

    Like to share

    Blurb

    Was IMRAN KHAN backed by the MILITARY?


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    Re: It looks like Imran Khan is about to become Pakistan's prime minister

    Salaam

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