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Health Endgame: Time To Embrace Half a Loaf (And Learn to Love It!)
Never underestimate the power of a deadline. Twice over the weekend, time pressure has worked its messy magic -- in Copenhagen, where a last-minute session saved the international climate-change conference from producing exactly nothing, and in snowbound Washington, where Democrats facing Christmas in the Capitol finally wrangled the 60th senator they needed to pass their massive health reform bill.
The emission-reduction agreement President Obama worked out with China, India, Brazil and South Africa could turn out to be an illusory milestone. But the health developments Saturday had the feel of a real turning point. Everything signaled momentum as Senate Democrats nailed down the last vote needed to break a filibuster, introduced the final package of amendments, released a positive report from the Congressional Budget Office and said they were on schedule for a Christmas Eve vote.
The final Senate health package released over the weekend has many tweaks to please many people. Some are so crass they make you want to avert your eyes, like extra federal Medicaid money pledged in perpetuity to one state, Nebraska, whose senator happened to be the last Democratic holdout. But other elements are all to the good. Among them are removal of a limit on annual health expenses covered by insurance, and new national insurance plans overseen by the Office of Personnel Management, which runs the much beloved plan for members of Congress and millions of other federal employees.
The revised bill also has $50 million for pilot projects on malpractice reform, to test ways of resolving medical disputes without the lawsuits that drive up the costs of both malpractice insurance and patient care. The projects were pushed by both the White House and Republican Sen. Olympia Snowe. Their inclusion robs Republicans of one of their complaints about the bill.
The right and the left know an endgame when they see it, which is why both sides have been escalating their fundraising efforts right along with their cries of "kill the bill!'' Conservatives and Republicans are a virtual monolith of opposition. But in the past few days progressives have split into two camps at bitter odds over whether the Senate health bill -- with no public insurance plan to compete with private-sector plans -- has any reform left in it.
Former Vermont governor Howard Dean, Move On.org and others have been urging Senate Democrats to start over. That's brought counter-pleas from such heavyweights as former president Bill Clinton, the last president to try for comprehensive health reform; New York Times columnist Paul Krugman, a fierce advocate of the public option who wrote a column Friday headlined "Pass the Bill "; and Service Employees International Union president Andy Stern, who told The New Republic that "We probably have the best we are going to do, and trying to improve the Senate bill doesn't seem realistic right now."
Vicki Kennedy also weighed in, writing in The Washington Post that her late husband anticipated compromises would be necessary and he didn't want reform supporters to walk away. "He's not here to urge us not to let this chance slip through our fingers. So I humbly ask his colleagues to finish the work of his life," she wrote. Sen. Tom Harkin, another liberal stalwart, wooed progressives with a housing analogy. "What we're building here is not a mansion. It's a starter home," he said Saturday. "But it's got a great foundation for expanding health care coverage to 31 million Americans. It's got a great roof, protective roof, in protecting people from abuses by insurance companies. And it has room for expansion and additions in the future."
There have also been poignant contributions from liberals who feel deserted by their fellow travelers, including a reader of Talking Points Memo who is unemployed, has a medical problem (aka pre-existing condition) and ideally would like to see a single-payer system. "When I read or hear people from the left arguing against the bill that would likely provide me and people like me with some modicum of security, because the bill doesn't accomplish everything they had hoped it would or it doesn't help every last person or the insurance industry will benefit, I do feel abandoned," the reader said in a post highlighted by editor Josh Marshall. The reader said the abandonment is "not by Obama and the Democratic Party, it's by those on the left advocating to kill the bill."
Obama gets assigned plenty of blame from liberals who think he somehow could have and should have brought the Senate to heel and forced it to pass a public option -- or should take nothing at all. That's the crux of the case made by my Politics Daily colleague, Luisita Lopez Torregrosa, who is sorely disappointed in Obama across the board. He has, she writes, "abandoned his vision, his promises and his goals."
Another, perhaps more realistic way to see it is that he's eking out some progress from the cards he's been dealt. His major accomplishments so far have come not on his campaign agenda but on challenges like trying to save the economy and figure out a path forward in Afghanistan. It was hard to blame him for taking a teeny victory lap in the middle of the blizzard Saturday to hail what he called "significant progress" on two top items on his own personal to-do list: dealing with "the crushing cost of health care and our dangerous dependence on fossil fuels."
For the moment, at least, Obama's cards don't look so bad. Senate Democrats are going to get to 60 votes and pass this health bill, and it's still got plenty of reform in it. This is the big picture: New regulations on private insurers protect consumers, 31 million more people are covered, and hundreds of billions of dollars in subsidies help them buy coverage. The new legislation significantly expands coverage of preventive care, regulates exchanges to drive down costs for individuals and small businesses, and tests numerous ways to improve care and curb its soaring cost. Then there is perhaps the least tangible but most fundmental shift in this bill, its message that Americans deserve health coverage and their government will help them get it. That's progress, even if the policies are purchased from private insurance companies.
As for the public option, while there is one in the House bill, there's no point hoping it will be revived early next year in the House-Senate conference committee to merge the two bills. Nebraska Sen. Ben Nelson said straight out that he would not vote for any bill that abandoned the compromises he won. Other Democratic conservatives and moderates have drawn their own lines in the sand. Most involve saying no to a public option.
Context is key. Liberal Democrats need to stop looking at this bill and seeing phantom limbs, missing parts, all that was cut out of it under pressure. They should appreciate it for what it is, at least for a brief moment, before they return to dreaming things that never were and asking "why not?"
http://www.politicsdaily.com/2009/1...e-to-embrace-half-a-loaf-and-learn-to-love-i/
Thoughts? Questions? comments? complaints? backtalk?

The emission-reduction agreement President Obama worked out with China, India, Brazil and South Africa could turn out to be an illusory milestone. But the health developments Saturday had the feel of a real turning point. Everything signaled momentum as Senate Democrats nailed down the last vote needed to break a filibuster, introduced the final package of amendments, released a positive report from the Congressional Budget Office and said they were on schedule for a Christmas Eve vote.
The final Senate health package released over the weekend has many tweaks to please many people. Some are so crass they make you want to avert your eyes, like extra federal Medicaid money pledged in perpetuity to one state, Nebraska, whose senator happened to be the last Democratic holdout. But other elements are all to the good. Among them are removal of a limit on annual health expenses covered by insurance, and new national insurance plans overseen by the Office of Personnel Management, which runs the much beloved plan for members of Congress and millions of other federal employees.
The revised bill also has $50 million for pilot projects on malpractice reform, to test ways of resolving medical disputes without the lawsuits that drive up the costs of both malpractice insurance and patient care. The projects were pushed by both the White House and Republican Sen. Olympia Snowe. Their inclusion robs Republicans of one of their complaints about the bill.
The right and the left know an endgame when they see it, which is why both sides have been escalating their fundraising efforts right along with their cries of "kill the bill!'' Conservatives and Republicans are a virtual monolith of opposition. But in the past few days progressives have split into two camps at bitter odds over whether the Senate health bill -- with no public insurance plan to compete with private-sector plans -- has any reform left in it.
Former Vermont governor Howard Dean, Move On.org and others have been urging Senate Democrats to start over. That's brought counter-pleas from such heavyweights as former president Bill Clinton, the last president to try for comprehensive health reform; New York Times columnist Paul Krugman, a fierce advocate of the public option who wrote a column Friday headlined "Pass the Bill "; and Service Employees International Union president Andy Stern, who told The New Republic that "We probably have the best we are going to do, and trying to improve the Senate bill doesn't seem realistic right now."
Vicki Kennedy also weighed in, writing in The Washington Post that her late husband anticipated compromises would be necessary and he didn't want reform supporters to walk away. "He's not here to urge us not to let this chance slip through our fingers. So I humbly ask his colleagues to finish the work of his life," she wrote. Sen. Tom Harkin, another liberal stalwart, wooed progressives with a housing analogy. "What we're building here is not a mansion. It's a starter home," he said Saturday. "But it's got a great foundation for expanding health care coverage to 31 million Americans. It's got a great roof, protective roof, in protecting people from abuses by insurance companies. And it has room for expansion and additions in the future."
There have also been poignant contributions from liberals who feel deserted by their fellow travelers, including a reader of Talking Points Memo who is unemployed, has a medical problem (aka pre-existing condition) and ideally would like to see a single-payer system. "When I read or hear people from the left arguing against the bill that would likely provide me and people like me with some modicum of security, because the bill doesn't accomplish everything they had hoped it would or it doesn't help every last person or the insurance industry will benefit, I do feel abandoned," the reader said in a post highlighted by editor Josh Marshall. The reader said the abandonment is "not by Obama and the Democratic Party, it's by those on the left advocating to kill the bill."
Obama gets assigned plenty of blame from liberals who think he somehow could have and should have brought the Senate to heel and forced it to pass a public option -- or should take nothing at all. That's the crux of the case made by my Politics Daily colleague, Luisita Lopez Torregrosa, who is sorely disappointed in Obama across the board. He has, she writes, "abandoned his vision, his promises and his goals."
Another, perhaps more realistic way to see it is that he's eking out some progress from the cards he's been dealt. His major accomplishments so far have come not on his campaign agenda but on challenges like trying to save the economy and figure out a path forward in Afghanistan. It was hard to blame him for taking a teeny victory lap in the middle of the blizzard Saturday to hail what he called "significant progress" on two top items on his own personal to-do list: dealing with "the crushing cost of health care and our dangerous dependence on fossil fuels."
For the moment, at least, Obama's cards don't look so bad. Senate Democrats are going to get to 60 votes and pass this health bill, and it's still got plenty of reform in it. This is the big picture: New regulations on private insurers protect consumers, 31 million more people are covered, and hundreds of billions of dollars in subsidies help them buy coverage. The new legislation significantly expands coverage of preventive care, regulates exchanges to drive down costs for individuals and small businesses, and tests numerous ways to improve care and curb its soaring cost. Then there is perhaps the least tangible but most fundmental shift in this bill, its message that Americans deserve health coverage and their government will help them get it. That's progress, even if the policies are purchased from private insurance companies.
As for the public option, while there is one in the House bill, there's no point hoping it will be revived early next year in the House-Senate conference committee to merge the two bills. Nebraska Sen. Ben Nelson said straight out that he would not vote for any bill that abandoned the compromises he won. Other Democratic conservatives and moderates have drawn their own lines in the sand. Most involve saying no to a public option.
Context is key. Liberal Democrats need to stop looking at this bill and seeing phantom limbs, missing parts, all that was cut out of it under pressure. They should appreciate it for what it is, at least for a brief moment, before they return to dreaming things that never were and asking "why not?"
http://www.politicsdaily.com/2009/1...e-to-embrace-half-a-loaf-and-learn-to-love-i/
Thoughts? Questions? comments? complaints? backtalk?