THE central conflict in the war on ideas lies in the
underlying stuff of man and how we think societies
should be organised. Regardless of what ideology has
ruled human affairs, they have all provided answers to
this question. This is true in religion as it is in
politics.
As the conflict in the Middle East continues, the
secular influences of groups such as Hamas and
Hezbollah are not obvious to the neutral observer. Nor
is their attraction to the young Muslim in the Sydney
street or the professional living in Indonesia clear.
"The core problem," as Paul Kelly argued on this page
on Wednesday, "seems to be the attraction of the
Islamist movement."
The 20th century saw the demise of communism, despite
its attraction to millions of people who felt poor or
downtrodden. It was exposed as a totalitarian system
that stifled the aspirations of man. But its stain is
spreading within the casing of Islamic fundamentalism.
This does not seem obvious, especially considering
Osama bin Laden himself was instrumental in defeating
the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan more than two
decades ago. And the Iranian revolution of 1979 was in
part a reaction to the perceived godlessness of
communism knocking at its doorstep.
This was mimicked to a lesser degree throughout the
Middle East, from Egypt to Jordan.
But the old Marxists are extending their influence in
many of the Islamic political parties that are rapidly
rising in popularity, in response to inept, autocratic
Arab governments. Arab governments have closed off
opportunity to such an extent that secular forces such
as communism or liberalism have minimal outlets.
One of the few places for a political voice is at the
mosque and through religion. Religion provides the
cloak for what is essentially politics.
As a result, political Islam is on the rise throughout
the Arab world. The first municipal election in Saudi
Arabia delivered wins for Islamic parties and, of
course, there was the election of Hamas by the
Palestinians. Many of the leaders representing
political Islam have previous ties to Arab socialism.
This is particularly true in Egypt, where the Muslim
Brotherhood won one-fifth of the vote in elections
last year.
Veteran foreign correspondent Mary Ann Weaver writes
in her book A Portrait of Egypt: "A number of my
former professors from the American University of
Cairo were Marxists 20 years ago: fairly adamant,
fairly doctrinaire Marxists. They are now equally
adamant, equally doctrinaire Islamists."
The developments in Egypt are potent for it has long
been a leader in the region.
The similarities of communism and Islam are
considerable. Both are egalitarian and advocate
radical economic change. They both demand a domination
of the public space and share a dogmatic, ideological
view of the world.
Political Islam is also supplying the social services
in a collective context that communism promised, and
the status of groups such as Hamas and Hezbollah
depends on this. Their facilities are often described
by locals as superior to those provided by the ruling
governments.
Islam also promises to deliver the poor masses from
oppression, but there is a difference: instead of the
working class rising up against the bourgeoisie, the
uprising to be encouraged is by hapless, impoverished
Muslims against their oppressive Western masters or
puppet Arab leaders. And like communism, Islam
believes the collective must be preserved at the
expense of the individual. We are social beings first,
individuals second.
Like communism, Islamism promises a better life for
the poor, oppressed and alienated. It is cloaked in
God, but its essence is strongly secular. Unless the
West fights the war of ideas at this level, offering a
competing vision of morality as well as economics and
technology, the lure of Islamic extremism will
continue to flourish.
And this will especially be the case as television
shows the Western class oppressors dropping bombs on
the Muslim proletariat.
* Tanveer Ahmed, a Sydney psychiatrist, is writing
a book that is a comic look at Muslim life in Australia.
