It's not what I do. What's your point?
Survey reveals Muslim attitudes
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It's not what I do. What's your point?
Muezzin
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Well, if you feel so strongly about the matter, surely you'd have the will to act upon it and improve the situation? Especially given that you've actually suggested other, more probing lines of questioning.
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memories
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Hes only expressing an oppinion that pherhaps the survey dodging the real questions (wich it is) no Mocking comments like ''do your own survey'' is needed.
Oh, I can ask until my face turns blue. Questions like mine make Muslims uneasy and they avoid answering them. Or they them. At least not generally.
But let me give it a shot, and I'll start with you:
Do you believe, in a nation with a significant Muslim population, that Muslims have a right to establish a separate criminal code for Muslims (as opposed to a one-law-for-all approach as most countries use)?
Do you believe that public expressions (writing, drawings, etc.) that are offensive to the religious sensibilities of a group should be legally censored?
Do you believe that Muslims should have the right to publicly renounce their faith without fear of retribution from the state?
Muezzin
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No?
Not even when these same complaints are continuously, repeatedly made? Not even in the absence of any surveys that are as probing as suggested?
Nobody wants to redress the balance? They just want to complain?
Wow.
Meant "or they don't answer them with any specificity"
جوري
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Yes-- if it doesn't affect you, then it shouldn't bother you!
absolutely and tried criminally such as the case with any libel and slander, or I should expect mockery of the holocaust without a peep just the same.
If the state is an Islamic state, then they should be tried for treason
specific enough?
all the best
Muezzin
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Goody.
Nope. The criminal code is far too sensitive a beast for dual-systems.
However, I think everyone, Muslim or not, would benefit from the option of Sharia-compliant courts in civil matters, such as divorce.
Nope.
However, I think public expressions should be responsible, and not the equivalent of Internet trolling. Serious points and questions can be asked in a civilised manner without deliberately causing offence. Also, I think setting out solely to cause offence is immoral. I don't think it should be illegal. It should be socially shunned. If you expressly forbid something, you make it all the more desirable.
Yep. The state would always have bigger fish to fry.
The thing you're referring to, the punishment for apostacy... it was only relevant in times of war, specifically when non-Muslims were at war with Muslims, and there was spying etc. It was for treason. That's not really relevant now, in my humble opinion.
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Yes, specific enough, thank you.
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Whatsthepoint
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You live in the US it is completely legal to deny or make fun of the holocaust there.
Bravo. I can now summarize my poll:
NEW POLL OF MUSLIMS RELEASED
50% of Muslims believe that there should be laws for Muslims and laws for ...
(just kidding)
But, OK, I'll take my criticism for claiming that Muslims are uneasy about such questions, when I got at least two clear responses right off the bat.
Muezzin
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See? Everyone's happy 
But seriously, I think you're right, more probing questions should be asked. If it's a serious issue, if it's a question of tension and things, it can only help to know exactly where everyone is coming from, whether they agree or not.
But seriously, I think you're right, more probing questions should be asked. If it's a serious issue, if it's a question of tension and things, it can only help to know exactly where everyone is coming from, whether they agree or not.
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Uthman
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Comment by Dalia Mogahed:
Studying Muslim integration in Europe
Our data indicates that Muslims are eager to contribute and play a more recognised role in advancing the best interests of their nation.
One of the most pervasive underlying assumptions in the discourse on European Muslim integration is that Muslim religiosity is a threat to Europe. Those who believe in the irreconcilability of western and Muslim identity generally argue that Muslim piety, expressed in religious symbols and moral conservatism, contrasted against the backdrop of secular and sexually liberal Europe, is a recipe for increasingly insular Muslim communities and profound alienation from European national identity. These isolated communities, the argument continues, not only represent an illiberal island challenging western democratic values, but are a "cesspool" for radicalisation.
Integration, defined as conformity with majority culture, is therefore seen as a vital security measure and a defence against dual loyalty citizens.
However, the recent Gallup study paints a very different picture. While Muslims in three European countries are indeed highly religious and socially conservative, this neither leads to a sympathy for terrorist acts, a desire to isolate nor a lack of national loyalty.
The Gallup Coexist Index is a global study of public perceptions regarding interfaith relations spanning four continents. The sampled population in the UK included 1,001 respondents from all over the country interviewed by phone through RDD (random digit dial). In addition, 504 respondents who self-identified as Muslim were polled in face-to-face interviews in England, Wales and Scotland.
A major finding of the study, in a continent where religiosity often means social ostracism, is that Muslims in all three nations strongly identify with their country and their faith. In fact, overwhelming majorities of Muslims in France, Germany and the UK say that Muslims in their country are loyal to the nation in which they reside. Interestingly, only a minority within the general public of each nation share that view. In fact, British Muslims are more likely than the general public to say that they strongly identify with the UK Similar attitudes are expressed when asked about confidence in a variety of national institutions, where Muslim confidence levels mirror, if not exceed, the general publics' with regard to the national government, local police, transparency of elections or the judicial system.
An issue of common concern throughout Europe is the prevalence of neighbourhoods in European cities which amount to ethnic enclaves. Yet when Muslims and the general public are asked about the type of neighbourhood they would prefer to live in, majorities in both populations choose to live in a neighbourhood which is ethnically and religiously diverse. In fact, British Muslim respondents were more likely to express this opinion than the general public. Yet in the UK, the Muslim employment rate, at 38% compared with 62% of the general public, implies that, similarly to minorities in the United States, where one lives is often dictated by socioeconomic realities rather than cultural preferences.
Such data clearly highlights the importance, particularly in the UK, of shifting the discourse on integration from an obsession with differences on moral questions to engaging the socioeconomic challenges that Muslims, like most minority communities, face in western societies. The importance that Muslims (and the general public) place in finding a job, coupled with their low employment rate means that many are not realizing their aspirations in contributing to the "national good". Policies directed at the integration of Muslim communities should focus on increasing educational opportunities and at "job readiness" for a community, which the data indicates, is eager to contribute and play a more recognised role in advancing the best interests of their nation.
Some may argue with the reliability of the study with regard to measuring British Muslim opinion. However, an important logistical challenge that this study has overcome, is the difficulty in gathering a nationally representative sample of a community as small in numbers as Muslims in the UK. In 2001 the British census estimated that Muslims comprise 3-4% of the country's total population. The challenges in devising a methodology, not logistically prohibitive, that randomly selects respondents of such a small population are not new to this area of survey research. To overcome this challenge, our study focused on areas where Muslims make up 5% or more of the local population which allowed for a representative study of British Muslims. Once these areas were identified, the process of data collection mirrored those applied by Gallup worldwide, using random route procedures rendering all Muslims in those areas with an equal chance for selection in the study.
Others have highlighted the racial, ethnic and cultural diversity of British Muslims as a reason to caution against examining them as one group. It is certainly true that the Muslim population in each nation focused on in this study, like the global Muslim population, is quite diverse. Yet it makes little sense to ignore Muslims as a group when conducting scientific research, yet obsess over them as such when discussing social issues such as barriers to social cohesion. If Muslims are similar enough to be "lumped in" as one group when discussing their attitudes on terrorism, or other hot topic issues in the public domain, it would seem disingenuous to suddenly highlight their diversity as a negation of scientifically gathered data on their views as a group. The notion that communities with diverse attitudes or histories cannot be compared statistically would negate the ability of researchers to study any group, including the British public, within which is also a diversity of opinion and regional history. British citizens of Wales, for example, are certainly not identical to those in Scotland or England.
Integration should not be a code word for ideological and aesthetic conformity but cooperation across communities to serve the national interest. The data clearly highlights that, while the discourse on Muslim integration continues to obsess over the moral conservatism of Muslim communities, British Muslims strongly identify with their nation and are eager to contribute to the national good.
Source
Dalia Mogahed is executive director of the Gallup Center for Muslim Studies.
Studying Muslim integration in Europe
Our data indicates that Muslims are eager to contribute and play a more recognised role in advancing the best interests of their nation.
One of the most pervasive underlying assumptions in the discourse on European Muslim integration is that Muslim religiosity is a threat to Europe. Those who believe in the irreconcilability of western and Muslim identity generally argue that Muslim piety, expressed in religious symbols and moral conservatism, contrasted against the backdrop of secular and sexually liberal Europe, is a recipe for increasingly insular Muslim communities and profound alienation from European national identity. These isolated communities, the argument continues, not only represent an illiberal island challenging western democratic values, but are a "cesspool" for radicalisation.
Integration, defined as conformity with majority culture, is therefore seen as a vital security measure and a defence against dual loyalty citizens.
However, the recent Gallup study paints a very different picture. While Muslims in three European countries are indeed highly religious and socially conservative, this neither leads to a sympathy for terrorist acts, a desire to isolate nor a lack of national loyalty.
The Gallup Coexist Index is a global study of public perceptions regarding interfaith relations spanning four continents. The sampled population in the UK included 1,001 respondents from all over the country interviewed by phone through RDD (random digit dial). In addition, 504 respondents who self-identified as Muslim were polled in face-to-face interviews in England, Wales and Scotland.
A major finding of the study, in a continent where religiosity often means social ostracism, is that Muslims in all three nations strongly identify with their country and their faith. In fact, overwhelming majorities of Muslims in France, Germany and the UK say that Muslims in their country are loyal to the nation in which they reside. Interestingly, only a minority within the general public of each nation share that view. In fact, British Muslims are more likely than the general public to say that they strongly identify with the UK Similar attitudes are expressed when asked about confidence in a variety of national institutions, where Muslim confidence levels mirror, if not exceed, the general publics' with regard to the national government, local police, transparency of elections or the judicial system.
An issue of common concern throughout Europe is the prevalence of neighbourhoods in European cities which amount to ethnic enclaves. Yet when Muslims and the general public are asked about the type of neighbourhood they would prefer to live in, majorities in both populations choose to live in a neighbourhood which is ethnically and religiously diverse. In fact, British Muslim respondents were more likely to express this opinion than the general public. Yet in the UK, the Muslim employment rate, at 38% compared with 62% of the general public, implies that, similarly to minorities in the United States, where one lives is often dictated by socioeconomic realities rather than cultural preferences.
Such data clearly highlights the importance, particularly in the UK, of shifting the discourse on integration from an obsession with differences on moral questions to engaging the socioeconomic challenges that Muslims, like most minority communities, face in western societies. The importance that Muslims (and the general public) place in finding a job, coupled with their low employment rate means that many are not realizing their aspirations in contributing to the "national good". Policies directed at the integration of Muslim communities should focus on increasing educational opportunities and at "job readiness" for a community, which the data indicates, is eager to contribute and play a more recognised role in advancing the best interests of their nation.
Some may argue with the reliability of the study with regard to measuring British Muslim opinion. However, an important logistical challenge that this study has overcome, is the difficulty in gathering a nationally representative sample of a community as small in numbers as Muslims in the UK. In 2001 the British census estimated that Muslims comprise 3-4% of the country's total population. The challenges in devising a methodology, not logistically prohibitive, that randomly selects respondents of such a small population are not new to this area of survey research. To overcome this challenge, our study focused on areas where Muslims make up 5% or more of the local population which allowed for a representative study of British Muslims. Once these areas were identified, the process of data collection mirrored those applied by Gallup worldwide, using random route procedures rendering all Muslims in those areas with an equal chance for selection in the study.
Others have highlighted the racial, ethnic and cultural diversity of British Muslims as a reason to caution against examining them as one group. It is certainly true that the Muslim population in each nation focused on in this study, like the global Muslim population, is quite diverse. Yet it makes little sense to ignore Muslims as a group when conducting scientific research, yet obsess over them as such when discussing social issues such as barriers to social cohesion. If Muslims are similar enough to be "lumped in" as one group when discussing their attitudes on terrorism, or other hot topic issues in the public domain, it would seem disingenuous to suddenly highlight their diversity as a negation of scientifically gathered data on their views as a group. The notion that communities with diverse attitudes or histories cannot be compared statistically would negate the ability of researchers to study any group, including the British public, within which is also a diversity of opinion and regional history. British citizens of Wales, for example, are certainly not identical to those in Scotland or England.
Integration should not be a code word for ideological and aesthetic conformity but cooperation across communities to serve the national interest. The data clearly highlights that, while the discourse on Muslim integration continues to obsess over the moral conservatism of Muslim communities, British Muslims strongly identify with their nation and are eager to contribute to the national good.
Source
Dalia Mogahed is executive director of the Gallup Center for Muslim Studies.
Thinker
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Encouraging report :sunny:
ragdollcat1982
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Unless it is slander, libel or yelling fire in a crowded theatre we have the ability to express ourselves freely. I oppose censorship and I appreciate freedom of religion. I would not want too live in a nation like Saudi Arabia, Iran or Afganistan myself as I find their laws too oppressive, however they are sovereign nations and have a right to make their own laws.